Tens of thousands of people took to the streets across Indonesia last week in a series of angry and sometimes violent protests against the government’s deeply unpopular Omnibus Law on Job Creation, which will further deepen attacks on working conditions and the environment.
On 5 October, Indonesia’s House of Representatives passed the 905-page bill. The bill includes around 1,200 sweeping revisions to 79 laws that cover labour, taxation and the environment. The government is touting the bill as a silver bullet to attract investment and create jobs. Indonesian markets cheered the bill’s passage: the main stock index rose by 1.31% and the rupiah by 1.28%.
While COVID-19 health restrictions restrict public gatherings, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the House have pushed through several controversial laws. When revisions to the Coal and Mineral Mining Law were passed in May, there was widespread public criticism over the threat it posed to the environment and to local communities.
According to a draft of the Omnibus bill, paid leave for childbirth, weddings, baptism, bereavement and menstrual leave will be scrapped. Mandatory severance benefits are to be reduced from the equivalent of 32 months to 19.
Environmental protection will be relaxed, with only “high-risk” investments required to obtain a permit or carry out an environmental impact assessment. In some cases, local governments will lose their capacity to deny permits for projects, with the central government left in charge.
Restrictions on foreign investment will be eased, and the government will set up a land bank and manage land for “the public interest”. Corporate tax will be cut from 22% to 20% by 2022.
The final vote on the Omnibus Law was originally slated for Thursday 8 October. But it was brought forward to preempt trade union plans for three days of strikes and rallies. When news of the bill’s passage circulated on Monday, thousands of workers tried to rally at the House of Representatives, but they were blocked by police: rallies had been banned on the pretext of health concerns. Police and the military blocked roads, aiming to stop workers from industrial areas entering the city of Jakarta. Access to the city was restricted through the next day.
Strikes and protests went ahead in the satellite cities of Tangerang and Bekasi, and in Serang and Bandung in the province of West Java. Workers in industrial complexes in East Jakarta and West Java rallied at factories on Tuesday morning. Police used water cannons and tear gas against protesters in in Bandung and Serang. There was fighting in the streets and scores of arrests.
By Tuesday evening, the protests began to spread. Authorities in Bandung blocked the streets that led to the local parliament building, where clashes between riot police and rock-throwing students broke out after police tried to disperse the crowd. Protests in Serang went on late into the evening.
The next day, more than 3,000 workers, high school and university students tried to reach the heavily guarded parliament in Jakarta, setting fire to tyres near blocked streets. Police responded with tear gas and water cannon.
Rioting broke out in West Jakarta, with an angry mob trashing a police vehicle after running street battles with police who fired teargas while the crowd showering them with rocks. Students in East Jakarta burnt tyres and waved banners against the law.
Dozens of students were arrested in Semarang, Central Java, after they tore down the gates of the governor’s office and damaged the building. Protesters in Samarinda and Kutai Kertanegara in East Kalimantan blockaded the city’s main roads.
Thursday saw the largest and most angry rallies. Thousands gathered near the presidential palace, shouting and throwing stones. Protesters burnt traffic police posts and set fire to tyres and fiberglass road barriers. As night fell, the area was illuminated with the eerie orange glow of bus stops that had been torched.
Large clashes took place in the Harmoni area near the Palace with huge crowds of mostly university students chanting and hurling stones at police. Police fired rubber bullets, teargas and water cannons in a vain attempt to disperse them.
Hundreds of protesters in Malang, East Java, pelted the regional parliament with firecrackers and flares, setting fire to the front gate. Similar scenes occurred in Medan, North Sumatra and Jambi, where protesters threw stones at local parliament buildings.
Police said there were protests in every single province over three days. “October 8 was the climax. There were 95 actions throughout Indonesia, in all 34 provinces”, a police spokesperson told <a href="https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20201012182112-12-557560/polri-ada-95-aksi-puncak-demo-omnibus-law-di-34-provinsi">CNN Indonesia</a>. A <a href="https://twitter.com/ismailfahmi/status/1314186041994092544">Media Online satellite map</a> posted on Twitter shows just how widespread the demonstrations were – extending from the western tip of Aceh to its easternmost point in West Papua. By Friday, <a href="https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2020/10/10/15155481/polisi-total-amankan-5918-orang-dalam-demo-tolak-uu-cipta-kerja">police said</a> that 5,918 people had been arrested and hundreds charged.
<div class="column_width_image article_inline_image"><img alt="" src="https://cms.redflag.org.au/sites/default/files/inline-images/Map%20of%20protest%20actions%20against%20%20Omnibus%20Law%20-%20October%208%2C%202020%20%28Media%20Online%29.jpg" /></div>
<div class="article_inline_caption">Map of protest actions against Omnibus Law, 8 October 8, 2020 (Media Online).</div>
<a name="Start" id="Start"></a><a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/09/police-used-excessive-force-during-omnibus-jobs-law-protests-activists.html">Rights activists</a> slammed police for using excessive force against protesters and journalists. The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence said it received some 1,500 complaints over the three days, while the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation received 288 complaints, mostly related to the arrest of protestors.
The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) said that 28 journalists were assaulted in Jakarta, Bandung, Semarang, Samarinda, Surabaya, Tanjung Pinang and Palu. “The police commit violence against journalists when they are recording police committing violence against protesters. Meaning, police don’t want their crimes to be seen by the public”, AJI Chairperson Abdul Manan told <a href="https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20201010141329-20-556854/aji-kekerasan-polisi-ke-jurnalis-untuk-sembunyikan-kejahatan">CNN Indonesia</a>.
The <a href="https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/press-releases/article/indonesia-police-attack-journalists-covering-protests-across-the-country.html">International Federation of Journalists</a> said it was “perturbed by the latest attacks on journalists in Indonesia. The perpetrators must be charged and we urge the authorities to do more to control police violence”.
With the exception of bosses, almost every section of Indonesian society came out against the law. The most immediate winners are business tycoons close to the government in the mining and palm oil sectors – Indonesia’s two largest exports. According to the <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/14/houses-widespread-private-sector-affiliations-raise-concerns-observers.html">Jakarta Post</a>, independent researcher Marepus Corner found that six out of 10 lawmakers have direct or indirect interests in private enterprises. According to <a href="https://en.tempo.co/read/1394353/bersihkan-indonesia-coalition-suspects-conflict-of-interest-in-omnibus-law">Cleaning Indonesia</a>, around half have connections to the coal mining industry.
Indonesian Trade Union Congress Alliance Confederation chairperson Nining Elitos said that slashing severance pay will make it easier to fire workers. The removal of a two year cap on contract labour will allow firms to employ contract workers indefinitely, extending outsourcing. Bosses will be able to pay wages on scales that do not adhere to the minimum wage. 
International labour groups also urged the government to drop the bill. The Building and Wood Workers’ International (BWI) wrote to Widodo on October 6 saying the law appears to “put the interests and demands of foreign investors ahead of workers, communities and the environment”.
The International Trade Union Confederation echoed BWI’s sentiments. “It is staggering that while Indonesia is, like other countries, facing the devastation of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government would seek to further destabilise people’s lives and ruin their livelihoods so that foreign companies can extract wealth from the country”, the <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/06/international-labor-union-federations-write-to-jokowi-to-protest-omnibus-law.html">ITUC wrote in a statement</a>.
Environmentalists warned the law will worsen deforestation, undermine land rights and trigger more agrarian conflicts. “The Indonesian parliament made a ruinous false choice between environmental sustainability and economic growth by effectively legitimising uncontrolled deforestation as an engine for a so-called pro-investment job creation policy”, Mighty Earth's <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/economy/2020/10/6/indonesian-workers-stage-protests-against-new-labour-laws">Phelim Kine said in a statement</a>.
The <a href="https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20201006100816-20-554807/walhi-omnibus-ciptaker-puncak-pengkhianatan-negara-ke-rakyat">Indonesian Forum for the Environment</a> called the law “the climax of the state’s betrayal of the rights of workers, farmers, traditional communities, women and the environment as well as future generations”, while Amnesty International called it “catastrophic”: “It will harm workers’ wallets, job security and their human rights as a whole”, AI director Usman Hamid told the <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/06/amnesty-dubs-new-omnibus-law-catastrophic-petition-urges-no-confidence-motion.html">Jakarta Post</a>.
Indonesia’s two largest Islamic mass organisations – Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah – which claim a membership of 60 and 30 million respectively – also come out against the law. NU Chairperson Said Aqil Siradj called it “oppressive”, telling the Jakarta Post that it “only benefits tycoons, capitalists and investors but tramples on the interests of laborers, farmers and the lower classes”.
An <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/06/interfaith-leaders-join-opposition-to-jobs-law-call-for-judicial-review.html">interfaith network</a> of religious figures also joined the chorus of dissent, calling the law a threat to social and economic justice and environmental sustainability. An online petition against the law by Christian pastor Penrad Sagian gained over 1.3 million signatures by Tuesday.
Even Indonesia’s peak Islamic body, the Indonesian Ulema Council criticised the bill. In a <a href="https://wartakota.tribunnews.com/2020/10/09/demonstrasi-tiga-hari-berujung-rusuh-mui-keluarkan-taklimat-tolak-uu-cipta-kerja">letter on October 8</a> the council asserted it would only benefit “employers and investors” and trample on workers’ interests.
Civil society organisations grouped under the Indonesian People’s Faction said the state turned a blind eye to popular opposition, saying in a <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/06/indonesia-passes-jobs-bill-as-recession-looms.html">statement</a> that the government had betrayed the people and the 1945 Constitution.
Social media users meanwhile expressed their frustrations by writing posts with the hashtags #DPRRIKhianatiRakyat (“House of Representatives betrays the people”), #BatalkanOmnibusLaw (“Cancel the Omnibus Law”) and #MosiTidakPercaya (“Vote of No Confidence”).
On October 8 the <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/08/house-website-hacked-building-put-up-for-sale-in-jobs-law-protest.html">DPR’s website was hacked</a>: its header was changed to read “House of Traitors”. Internet users put up mock product pages on e-commerce platforms to “sell” the House complex. A page on Tokopedia offers the House complex and its occupants for Rp 1,000 (US$0.068).
Rattled by the protests, but no doubt with an eye on December’s regional elections, <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/10/six-governors-have-asked-jokowi-to-revoke-or-reconsider-jobs-law.html">six provincial governors</a> officially asked Widodo to revoke or reconsider the law.
The government was quick to blame protests on the usual suspects: “anarchists” and unspecified “third parties” using the rallies for some dark and insidious purpose. Social media was abuzz with reports of paid protesters being shipped in to cause trouble – reports many attributed to the government's army of trolls and bots.
President Widodo meanwhile <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/08/jokowi-not-running-away-from-protests-palace-claims.html">skipped town on Thursday</a>. He denied that he was avoiding the protests, but the Twitter hashtag #JokowiKabur (“Jokowi Runs Away”) still trended. It wasn’t until 9 October that Widodo made his first public comment, claiming the protests were because of “misinformation” and “fake news”. “I think that the protests against the Jobs Law were caused by misinformation about substantive issues and social media hoaxes”, Widodo told <a href="https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2020/10/09/17521861/jokowi-sebut-unjuk-rasa-tolak-uu-cipta-kerja-karena-disinformasi-dan-hoaks">Kompas.com</a>.
Defense Minister <a href="https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2020/10/13/08153481/tanggapi-aksi-tolak-uu-cipta-kerja-prabowo-banyak-yang-belum-baca-dan-ada">Prabowo Subianto</a> – a Suharto-era general with interests in pulp and paper, palm oil and coal mining – accused foreign parties of being behind the protests. Security Chief <a href="https://jakartaglobe.id/vision/thousands-clash-with-police-in-protest-against-controversial-omnibus-law">Mahfud MD</a> said the riots were created to sow chaos and that instead of protesting people should challenge the bill in the Constitutional Court. Maritime Affairs and Investment Minister <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/08/govt-encourages-critics-of-jobs-law-to-apply-for-judicial-review-rather-than-staging-protests.html">Luhut Pandjaitan</a>–another Suharto general with extensive coal mining interests–also advised opponents to rely on the courts.
While trade unions and other groups have already announced their intent to challenge the law, given the court's track record, the challenge is unlikely to succeed. In August, the government rushed through revisions to the Constitutional Court law . Judges’ extending judges’ terms and age limits were extended. The change was widely seen as a bribe to ensure rulings favourable to the government. 
Quite aside from numerous procedural violations, it is unclear if the bill passed Monday is even final. Golkar Party lawmaker Firman Soebagyo admitted to the <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/09/job-creation-law-defective-experts-say-after-incomplete-draft-passed.html">Jakarta Post</a>: “We're still revising the draft so that there aren’t any typos".
Democratic Party lawmaker Didi Irawadi Syamsuddin told <a href="https://www.tribunnews.com/nasional/2020/10/09/aneh-naskah-uu-cipta-kerja-belum-rapih-tapi-sudah-disahkan-dpr">Tribune News</a> the draft was not even distributed during the 5 October plenary session, raising the possibility that it is “legally defective” as it was ratified without being read or even finished.
According to <a href="https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2020/10/13/08153481/tanggapi-aksi-tolak-uu-cipta-kerja-prabowo-banyak-yang-belum-baca-dan-ada">Kompas.com</a> there are now four versions of the law. One is 905 pages long, another is 1,028 pages, a third is 1,035 pages, and a fourth is 812 pages. House Deputy Speaker Azis Syamsuddin claimed that nothing substantial had been altered and the differences were due to font and page sizes. The <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/14/house-submits-final-draft-of-jobs-law-to-jokowi.html">Jakarta Post</a> said it had found discrepancies between the versions.
Amid the public outcry, employer groups have defended the law. Indonesian Employer Association chair Hariyadi Sukamdani told the <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/10/11/employers-seek-to-defend-jobs-law-amid-public-outcry.html">Jakarta Post</a> that the law will lead to higher employment.
Global investors have been more guarded. In a letter sent hours before the passage of the bill, 35 leading investment firms managing some $4.1 trillion in assets warned the government the bill could pose new risks to the country’s tropical forests. The new law risks “contravening international best practice standards intended to prevent unintended harmful consequences from business activities that could deter investors from Indonesian markets”, the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/indonesia-economy-law-investors/global-investors-raise-environmental-concerns-over-indonesia-jobs-bill-idUSL1N2GW07M">letter said</a>.
Economist Bhima Yudhistira Adhinegara expressed doubt the new law would boost investment. “Indonesia is a big market and raw materials are readily available here. But many companies are not relocating to Indonesia”, he told <a href="https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asia/indonesia-new-omnibus-law-no-silver-bullet-for-investments-jobs-13210798">Channel News Asia</a>.
“The government makes the assumption that Indonesia’s biggest hurdle in terms of our competitiveness is labour costs. But there are issues like rampant corruption, complicated bureaucracy and high logistics costs which the government needs to address”, he said. Adhinegara added the law does not address this. As long as the economy remains in trouble, atttacks on workers' rights like this law will only pave the way for discontent and strikes.

James Balowski

Indonesia: a wave of protests against a pro-boss law

Papuan activists have raised more than $70,000 to repay a government-sponsored scholarship received by exiled activist and human rights lawyer Veronica Koman, after the Indonesian government demanded that she return the money—a move she described as “financial punishment” for her West Papua advocacy work.
Koman’s supporters went to the Finance Ministry’s Endowment Fund for Education (LPDP) in central Jakarta on 16 September to hand over 3 million rupiah ($280) in cash along with an Indonesian flag, a copy of the West Papuan Special Autonomy Law and a receipt for the rest of the money—which was sent to the LPDP by bank transfer. Security guards refused to allow them in, saying nobody was at the office due to the city’s partial lockdown to curb the spread of the coronavirus.
“I feel disappointed with the LPDP office; we sent them a letter on 15 September. They didn’t respond to us when we arrived on the grounds that the office is closed”, Papuan human rights lawyer Michael Himan told journalists. Although the handover didn’t take place, Himan emphasised that the money had been repaid in full and sent to the LPDP by bank transfer. “This is a symbolic handover ... from the Papuan mama-mama [traditional Papuan women traders] that they sent to us”, he said.
Recently released Papuan political prisoner Ambrosius Mulait—one of the Jakarta Six imprisoned for “treason” in April—said that they have been raising funds as an act of solidarity with Koman. “Veronica is one of the people who have been [most] vocal in advocating Papuan issues, but because of her political stand and advocacy the government has asked her to return her scholarship. Meaning that indirectly the government has no interest in resolving the Papua problem”, Mulait told <a href="https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20200915173411-20-546839/solidaritas-papua-kembalikan-beasiswa-lpdp-veronica-besok">CNN Indonesia</a>.
The fundraising campaign was launched on 12 August, a day after Koman announced on Twitter that the government had demanded she repay a 773.8 million rupiah ($72,900) scholarship for a master’s degree in law at the Australian National University in 2016. 
The LPDP claims that she failed to return to Indonesia after completing her studies, breaching one of the scholarship’s requirements. But Koman notes that she returned in 2018 to join the Jayapura-based Human Rights Lawyers Association for Papua and provided pro bono legal services to Papuan activists in three separate trials in Timika, Papua, in April and May 2019. “The Indonesian government is applying this financial punishment as the latest attempt to pressure me into stopping my advocacy for human rights in Papua”, she told <a href="https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20200812161914-20-%20534992/komunitas-ham-galang-dana-solidaritas-untuk-veronica-koman">CNN Indonesia</a>.
Amnesty International slammed the decision, calling on authorities to protect human rights defenders. “Instead of imposing a punishment, the Indonesian government should support [Koman’s] effort to expose alleged human rights violations in Papua”, said Amnesty International Indonesia executive director Usman Hamid. Hamid noted that many Indonesian scholarship recipients fail to return home after completing their studies but have not be subject to similar sanctions.
<a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/09/16/papuans-returnveronica-komans-scholarship-funding-to-indonesian-government.html">The Jakarta Post</a> reported that fundraising campaigns were held in several parts of Papua, including Jayapura, Nabire, Dogiyai and Wamena, local Papuans hitting markets, street corners and social media to ask for donations. Photos on social media showed Papuans sitting in an open field with donated banknotes scattered on a mat. 
Mulait said Papuans from other regions and communities outside the province also contributed. In some parts of Papua, solidarity actions were broken up by police. “Papuan donors in Jayapura and Nabire were disbanded by the authorities, while the solidarity action in Dogiyai and Wamena went well”, he told the Post.
It remains unclear if the government will accept the donations as payment. <a href="https://www.suara.com/news/2020/09/17/205158/terima-pengembalian-uang-beasiswa-veronica-koman-ini-penjelasan-lpdp">Suara.com</a> quoted the LPDP as saying that it had received an email from Koman advising them of the payment but would have to study and verify the transfer first.
Koman has been in forced exile in Australia since September 2019, after Indonesian police placed her on a wanted person’s list on trumped-up charges of spreading misinformation and provoking unrest in Papua. She thanked those who contributed to the solidarity payment. “I am very moved and thankful”, Koman told <a href="https://www.suara.com/news/2020/09/16/073630/veronica-koman-biaya-kuliah-saya-bukan-dari-pemerintah-tapi-rakyat-papua">Suara.com</a>. “With this I want to emphasise that it means that my scholarship was not paid for by the Indonesian government but rather by the Papuan people.”
Koman said that the solidarity shown by the Papuan people has inspired her to continue dedicating herself to fighting for human rights in Papua. “Initially I felt down because of the non-stop persecution which has disrupted [my] advocacy work”, she told <a href="https://tirto.id/solidaritas-papua-tebus-biaya-lpdp-veronica-koman-saya-terharu-f4wu">Tirto.id</a>. “But this persecution has actually given me an opportunity to see that in fact my work is appreciated.” She added that, despite the many people who have accused her of being a traitor, “It turns out that I did the right thing in the eyes of most ordinary Papuan people”.
For the latest news and information on West Papua and Indonesia visit <a href="https://www.indoleft.org/">Indoleft</a> and the <a href="https://www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net/">Asia Pacific Solidarity website</a>.

Human rights lawyer punished by Indonesian government gains solidarity

Rights groups have slammed a last-minute decision to deny parole to five Papuans jailed on charges of treason over a peaceful protest in August last year. The activists were calling for an end to racism against Papuan students and a referendum on self-determination for West Papua.
People’s Front for West Papua spokesperson Paulus Suryanta Ginting and Papuan student activists Ambrosius Mulait, Dano Tabuni, Charles Kossay and Ariana Elopere were sentenced to nine months’ jail on charges of makar (treason, subversion, rebellion) and criminal conspiracy. A sixth activist, Isay Wenda, was sentenced to eight months in the same case. He was released in April after serving his full term. Suryanta (also known as Surya Anta) – a leading member of the leftist People’s Liberation Party who earned the government’s ire in 2016 for publicly apologising for Indonesian repression against indigenous Papuans – is the first non-Papuan Indonesian to be charged with treason for supporting West Papuan independence.
He was one of eight activists arrested following a rally on 28 August last year, during which the banned Morning Star independence flag was flown. The arrests took place amid a wave of sometimes violent protests and riots in Papua and West Papua provinces in August and September against racism and calling for independence. The protests erupted after a video circulated of right-wing militia and military personnel racially abusing indigenous Papuan students outside their dormitory in the East Java city of Surabaya. Papuans demonstrated in at least 30 cities across the country. Rioting Papuans burned down the local parliament building in Manokwari, as well as prisons in Sorong, West Papua province, and Jayapura, Papua province.
In early April, the Ministry of Law and Human Rights introduced a policy allowing the conditional release of those who have served two-thirds of their sentences. The aim is to reduce overcrowding in Indonesia’s prisons. Official data shows 270,386 prisoners across the archipelago – more than twice the official prison capacity. Many jails lack proper sanitation and clean water, making inmates particularly susceptible to the spread of COVID-19. As of 10 May, the ministry had released 37,014 convicts and 2,259 child detainees. Another 10,000 releases are planned.
Suryanta, Mulait, Tabuni and Kossay are being detained in Salemba prison in Central Jakarta. Ariana Elopere is being held at the Pondok Bambu women’s detention centre in East Jakarta. According to the Jakarta Post, 24 prisoners have tested positive at the detention centre and 12 more are awaiting results.
UK-based human rights group Tapol (“political prisoner” in Indonesian) condemned the “political decision” to cancel the early release, and said that the prisoners had all been tested negative for COVID-19 and given a small meal to take home. But the prison’s head of registration announced that their release had been cancelled due to political intervention by the central government.
According to Mike Himan, head of the Papua Advocacy Team, which has been representing the prisoners since their arrest last year, prison officials said those who committed “crimes against state security” were not eligible for early release. Himan said that the cancellation was an act of discrimination and urged the Indonesian ombudsman and the National Commission on Human Rights to demand that the prisoners be released “for humanitarian and safety reasons”. 
In a statement on 13 May, Amnesty International said that the coronavirus epidemic is yet another reason to release all prisoners of conscience. “This postponement is unacceptable”, said Amnesty International Indonesia executive director Usman Hamid. “These prisoners of conscience should not have spent a single day in detention and must be freed immediately. Authorities have invoked both Covid-19 and threats to national security as reasons for the delay – but the fact is they should not be in jail at all.”
They are not the only political prisoners in Indonesia. In April, an urgent appeal was filed with the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the UN special rapporteurs by advocate Jennifer Robinson and Indonesian human rights lawyer Veronica Koman, backed by Tapol, on behalf of 63 political prisoners. They are 56 West Papuans, five South Maluku Republic activists, one Indonesian (Suryanta) and one Polish national. Tapol said that documents show that all the detainees are being “arbitrarily and unlawfully detained in violation of Indonesia’s international human rights obligations”. 
The East Timor and Indonesian Action Network, a non-profit advocacy organisation based in the United States, noted recently that, while Indonesia struggles to contain the spread of COVID-19, the government still holds anti-racism and pro-independence prisoners in jails across West Papua, Jakarta and Balikpapan. “In many cases, trials have continued against these political prisoners endangering the health of the prisoners, lawyers, judges and court staff”, the network said in a statement.
UN high commissioner for human rights Michelle Bachelet has warned governments of the “catastrophic” consequences for detainees and the wider community of failing to address prison overcrowding and poor detention conditions during the pandemic. Bachelet called on governments to “release every person detained without sufficient legal basis” and to “release those particularly vulnerable to COVID-19, among them older detainees and those who are sick, as well as low-risk offenders”.
Despite everything that they have endured since their arrests, Suryanta and his companions remain committed to highlighting the injustices taking place in Papua.
“This was the high price that had to be paid by the Papua tapols for the sake of creating justice and self-respect for the Papuan people”, Shaleh Al Ghifari, one of the lawyers from the Papua Advocacy Team, told Suara.com. Ghifari added that, following their eventual release, they will work to provide support and solidarity with other Papuan activists still in jail and are calling on the Indonesian government to release unconditionally all political prisoners.
They are also demanding that the government stop criminalising pro-democracy activists and calling for an end to repression and racial discrimination against those who want to express themselves in public.
Despite the growing risk of COVID-19 getting into Indonesia’s overcrowded and unsanitary jails, the five will now have to serve out their full sentences before being freed on 26 May.

Imprisoned Papuan activists denied parole in Indonesia

Surya Anta Ginting, national spokesperson for the pro-independence Indonesian People’s Front for West Papua – who with five Papuan activists is being held in Jakarta’s notorious Salemba prison awaiting trial on treason charges – is reportedly seriously ill.
Anta’s wife Lucia Fransisca told reporters that she visited Anta on 29 November and found that he and the five Papuan detainees were not receiving proper medical treatment. She said that although a doctor visited, no physical examination was conducted, as is usually the case with other prisoners. She said that Anta is weak, nauseous, unable to stand, has a cold sweat and had been suffering a high fever all day. Fransisca said that the Papuan prisoners are being held under “inhuman conditions”, noting that Salemba prison is severely overcrowded and lacks clean drinking water and decent food. They six are reportedly being held along with more than 600 others, who share one toilet.
Anta, a member of the leftist People’s Liberation Party who earned the government’s ire in 2016 for publicly apologising for Indonesian repression against indigenous Papuans, is the first non-Papuan Indonesian to be charged with treason for supporting West Papuan independence. He is one of eight activists arrested following a rally on 28 August in front of the State Palace in central Jakarta, during which the banned West Papuan Morning Star flag was flown.
Police arrested Papuan students Charles Kossay and Dano Tabuni on 30 August. The following day, Ambrosius Mulait and Issay Wenda were detained for protesting the arrest of Kossay and Tabuni outside the Jakarta police headquarters. Later that evening, police arrested three women activists, releasing two but detaining theology student Ariana Lokbere. Anta was picked up that evening while eating at the Plaza Indonesia mall.
The arrests took place amid a wave of sometimes violent rallies and riots in Papua and West Papua provinces in August and September, during which thousands of people protested racism against Papuans and called for independence. The protests erupted after a video circulated of right wing militia and military personnel racially abusing indigenous Papuan students outside their dormitory in the East Java city of Surabaya on 17 August. In addition to several rallies in Jakarta, Papuans demonstrated in at least 30 cities across the country. Rioting Papuans burned down the local parliament building in Manokwari, as well as prisons in Sorong, West Papua province, and Jayapura, the capital of Papua province.
Between 9 and 17 September, police arrested eight activists in Jayapura, including student leaders Alexander Gobay and Ferry Gombo, and six activists from the pro-independence West Papua National Committee: Buchtar Tabuni, Steven Itlay, Assa Asso, Agus Kossay, Hengki Hilapok and Irwanus Uropmobin. In Manokwari, West Papua, police arrested four activists, including Sayang Mandabayan, who was detained on 2 September for bringing 1,500 small Morning Star flags through Manokwari airport. Three student activists were also arrested on 19 September for making Morning Star flags: Erik Aliknoe, Pende Mirin and Yunus Aliknoe. In Sorong, West Papua police detained four student activists – Herman Sabo Yosep Laurensius Syufi, Manase Baho, Eteus Paulus and Miwak Karet – for making and distributing Morning Star flags.
Like those in Jakarta, most awaiting trial have been charged with treason and face a maximum penalty of 20 years in jail, which can be doubled for people convicted for mobilising others to commit treason. The government has also accused Veronica Koman – an Indonesian human rights lawyer who tweeted videos and photographs of the Surabaya incident and subsequent unrest – of “inciting” the riots. Koman is residing in Australia, and police are seeking Australian government assistance to force her to return to face trial.
This is not the first time Anta has been afforded “special” treatment. Following their arrests, the Jakarta six were held at the Mobile Brigade Headquarters detention centre in Depok while police completed the investigation dossiers. Legal advocates who visited Anta told reporters that he was held in an isolation cell with no windows and only one small air vent and was bombarded with patriotic music 24 hours a day. This led to Anta developing an inner ear infection that was treated only after lawyers publicly protested his treatment.
In October, lawyers from the Papua Advocacy Team representing the six challenged the legality of the arrests and raids. They argued that they were carried out without warrants, were not witnessed by local community authorities and should have been proceeded by a summons for questioning – all of which are required under Indonesia’s Criminal Procedural Code. Police failed to appear at the first pretrial hearing on 11 November, resulting in a two-week postponement. But a week later, Anta and the other five suspects were handed to prosecutors to await trail in Cipinang prison. Lawyers accused the police of trying to avoid the pretrial process and using the delay to rush through the investigation.
When police eventually turned up at a hearing, the court heard that warrants were presented the day after the accused were detained, local authorities were not present during the arrests, and one witness related that, during a raid on a Papuan student dormitory, police made racist slurs, calling Papuans “orangutans”, stole personal belongings and pointed a gun at one of the residents. The sole judge hearing the case will hand down a verdict on 10 December.
Human Rights Watch has called on Indonesian authorities to drop the treason charges and release at least 22 activists detained since August for peaceful acts of free expression concerning Papua. The group said that these abusive prosecutions show backtracking by president Joko Widodo’s government in dealing with human rights in West Papua and Papua provinces. But since then, police in Jayapura have charged 20 more Papuan activists with treason. The 20 are part of a group of 34 arrested two days earlier for planning to commemorate the founding anniversary of the Free Papua Movement, which is held on 1 December each year. The latest batch of indictments brings the number of people now awaiting trial for treason to at least 42.
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For the latest news and information on Indonesia and West Papua, visit the Indoleft website at <a href="http://www.indoleft.org">www.indoleft.org</a> or the Asia Pacific Solidarity Network’s Indonesia and East Timor News Digest at <a href="http://www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net">www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net</a>.

Scores of Papua activists across Indonesia facing treason trials

A recent spate of arrests of people for wearing T-shirts with symbols of the banned Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), seizures of books about the 1965 anti-communist purge and a propaganda campaign to whip up fears of a PKI revival in Indonesia reflect just how anxious elements of the political elite are about growing pressure to resolve one of the most horrendous crimes of the 20th century.
The arrests and raids on bookstores followed a government-sponsored national symposium in Jakarta on 15 April with the stated aim of seeking recommendations on how to resolve the mass killings of 1965-66.
Using the pretext of an alleged PKI coup attempt in September 1965, sections of the military, led by general Suharto, launched one of the most ferocious mass slaughters in modern history. Within four months, as many as 1 million communists and left wing sympathisers were killed, and hundreds of thousands of others interned without trial. Officially portrayed as a response to a failed “communist coup”, the killings have been justified by successive governments doggedly clinging to the myth that they were necessary to save the country from communism.
Although some high profile rights groups boycotted the 15 April symposium, fearing it would become a fig leaf for the government, it ended up providing an unlikely forum for Indonesians to hear an alternate account from survivors and the family members of the victims, who described their horrifying experiences and the decades of injustice and discrimination they endured.
The anti-communist propaganda campaign is being driven by a handful of senior officials, retired army officers and right wing groups. They have little or no mass support.
Government officials were clearly uncomfortable with the public airing of these heart-wrenching testimonies. Security affairs minister Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, a key backer of the symposium, claimed that only 1,000 people were killed and reiterated that the government would not issue an apology or make restitution for the victims.
Even before the symposium ended, a grouping of retired army officers announced they would stage a counter-event to the “one-sided” symposium.
Backlash
Despite its limited mandate, the symposium still sparked a backlash from sections of the Indonesian military (TNI) and police.
Speaking to hundreds of retired generals and right wing groups in Jakarta on 13 May, former army general and now defence minister Ryamizard Ryacudu launched into a tirade about the need to counter the “treasonous” rise of communism. Ryamizard insisted that the TNI had the right to crack down on “swelling leftist symbolism”, even though by law only the police can conduct raids and make arrests. “The police cannot deal with this matter alone, without help from the military”, he said.
The military and police have been using the 1999 State Security Law to justify the arrests and seizures. It is based on a 1996 decree on the dissolution of the PKI and prohibitions of Marxist, Leninist and communist teachings.
A week earlier in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta, a screening of the documentary Buru Island My Homeland about 1965 political prisoners was closed down by police after protests by the Community Forum for Children of the Armed Forces (FKPPI) and the Indonesia Anti-Communist Front (FAKI). Ironically, the event was part of International Press Freedom Day.
On 8 May, a concert in East Java was closed down and band members arrested for playing a reggae rendition of the Javanese folk song “Genjer-Genjer”, which is associated with the PKI-affiliated women’s organisation Gerwani. On 9 May, police arrested two men in South Jakarta for selling T-shirts of the German death metal band Kreator, which happened to include a hammer-and-sickle symbol. The next day, four activists in Ternate, North Maluku, were taken into custody over T-shirts featuring the motif and the letters PKI, which turned out to stand for Indonesian Coffee Lovers. Two men were also detained in separate arrests in the Riau Islands and Jambi, Central Java.
On 14 May, CNN Indonesia reported that the country’s largest book retailer, Gramedia, had withdrawn books related to 1965 from several of its stores in Jakarta after a “surprise inspection” by police. Book stores and publishing companies were also raided in Yogyakarta, and the Jakarta Post reported that seizures took place in Sukoharjo, Solo, Tegal and Grobogan in Central Java and Surabaya in East Java.
Expanding civil role
The arrest of civilians by military personnel has raised fears that the TNI is seeking a greater role in civilian affairs. Reforms implemented since 1998 resulted in the TNI losing its “dual” social and political function. In 2002, it was separated from the police, becoming responsible for external defence only.
It has, however, maintained its territorial command structure, allowing it to act as a security force at all levels of society. These commands are important to maintain its illegal business interests, many of which have been infringed upon by the police since their separation, resulting in deadly clashes between the two forces.
Under current president Joko Widodo, the TNI has expanded its civilian functions. This has included security for seaports, airports, railways and bus stations, providing guards for prisons, assisting with the “war on drugs” and helping to stabilise food prices and “facilitate” land acquisitions. The TNI has also been involved in operations against alleged ISIS terrorists in Poso, Central Sulawesi.
Along with the TNI commander, general Gatot Nurmantyo, Ryamizard has been championing the State Defence program, which aims to train 100 million civilians to confront “non-traditional” threats. They argue that this is necessary to counter “proxy wars” undermining the state ideology of Pancasila, which they claim are orchestrated by NGOs, the media, social interest groups, gays and undefined foreign interests, who want to take control of the country’s resources.
Military observers say that this also reflects an attempt by the army to maintain its relevance in the face of Widodo’s much-touted Maritime Axis, which emphasises protecting Indonesia’s territorial waters and is part of the US president Obama’s “pivot to Asia”. The army top brass are also concerned that a greater portion of the budget going to the navy and air force will deprive it of lucrative kickbacks on arms procurements.
Social media
If social media are any guide, the attempts to whip up an anti-communist frenzy failed miserably. A Facebook posting on 9 May read: “Anyone who possesses a hammer and a sickle at home should destroy them lest they be accused of being a PKI member”. Another read: “There are lots of hammer-and-sickle pictures on Google. The police should also seize Google!”
The authorities were clearly not amused. Police spokesperson Boy Rafli Amar warned people not to forward communist propaganda, reminding them they could face a 12-year sentence for the crime.
All this appears to have created unease within Widodo’s administration. Cabinet secretary Pramono Anung said on 13 May that the TNI and police had overreacted to an earlier order by Widodo to uphold the law against the spread of communist teachings, and police chief Badrodin Haiti called for an end to book raids.
Not new
This kind of harassment is nothing new. The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy recorded that in 2014, at least 27 events related to 1965 were subject to restrictions and bans, including 17 film screenings and discussions, four forced dispersals of meetings of victims, three cases of intimidation, three cases of deportation and forceful arrest and one magazine recall.
In August 2015, a meeting of survivors and victims’ families in Salatiga, Central Java, was cancelled after threats by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). In October, the Ubud Writers and Readers Festival had to cancel some events on 1965 due to pressure from local police.
In March, a performance in Bandung, West Java, about socialist and national hero Tan Malaka was postponed after FPI threats. The event later went ahead under heavy police security after Bandung mayor Ridwan Kamil publicly supported the event.
On 2 April, police closed down the 10th annual Lady Fest in Yogyakarta after an attack by the Islamic Community Forum (FUI). On 14 April, police disbanded a meeting of 1965 victims in Bogor, West Java, after the Pancasila Youth (PP) and the FPI threatened to attack the event. Ironically, the meeting was part of preparations for the government symposium in April.
But despite the regularity of such incidents, there has been no systematic repression, and no-one has been charged or jailed. Unlike protests against land seizures and labour rallies, in which protesters are attacked and assaulted by police and company thugs, violence is the exception. Many proceed without incident or go ahead after open resistance by students and activists.
Forcing open debate
Over the last few years, Indonesian and overseas activists have been forcing a debate about 1965. This poses a threat to those who would prefer that the details of the victims and their killers remain buried.
This pressure was behind the government’s move to hold the April symposium. It hoped to defuse growing demands to issue an official apology and provide compensation and rehabilitation to survivors and victims’ families.
This is also an ideological struggle. Not just because the alleged PKI coup justified the military’s seizure of power, but because it legitimises the legal prohibitions on spreading communist ideas. While these laws remain in force, those advocating socialist solutions to Indonesia’s social and economic problems risk arrest and jail.
Film screenings of Joshua Oppenheimer’s award-winning documentaries Jagal (The Act of Killing) and Senyap (The Look of Silence) have stimulated a national discussion about the killings and the consequences of impunity, and exposed ordinary Indonesians to an alternative narrative about 1965.
Jagal explores the anti-communist purge by having the perpetrators re-enact their crimes, while Senyap examines the massacre through the eyes of its victims. Although the Film Censorship Institute banned public screenings of Senyap in December 2014, the government’s National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) endorsed film showings around the country to promote reconciliation.
The first public screening in Jakarta, in November 2014, a joint effort by Komnas HAM and the Jakarta Arts Council, attracted more than 2,000 people. Indonesia Watching Senyap has distributed 1,700 DVD copies for screening in 118 cities and regencies, estimated to reach 70,000 viewers. Both films are available for viewing and downloading free from the internet.
Although some screenings have been shut down, others have become a rallying point for different groups to unite to defend free speech and academic independence.
On 11 March last year, some 100 thugs from the FUI and FAKI attempted to storm a Senyap screening at the State Islamic University (UIN) in Yogyakarta. Earlier in the year, they closed down several other screenings in the city.
 
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Event organisers, along with a coalition of student and activist groups, vowed to resist the mob. Students blocked campus gates to prevent a breach. The screening went ahead.
In a statement on 13 March, Oppenheimer expressed his respect for the students: “They are truly heroes in the struggle to uphold, not just academic independence on campus, but also human rights, and reaffirming the spirit of democracy in Indonesia as well as banishing violence”.
A 27 May screening of Buru Island as part of the 10th Purbalingga Film Festival went ahead despite opposition from right wing groups. Organisers of the 2016 ASEAN Literary Festival in Jakarta also defied threats by Islamic groups demanding police shut down the event for promoting communist and LGBT ideologies.
In May, the FPI tried to disband a “School of Marx” event in Bandung. Organisers refused to bow to pressure and went ahead with the event after building a cross-campus campaign among Bandung students.
International campaign
Coinciding with the 50th anniversary of the massacres, in November Indonesian and international activists organised an International People’s Tribunal (IPT) on 1965 in The Hague.
The tribunal, which examined thousands of documents and heard testimonies from victims and survivors, concluded that the state was responsible for the massacres. Although not legally binding, the findings will be presented to the UN Human Rights Council as a moral verdict.
Government officials, who tried to brush the tribunal off as irrelevant, were clearly unhappy about the publicity it was generating. The Indonesian embassy in The Hague threatened to revoke students’ scholarships if they attended. Although the IPT website was briefly blocked, millions of Indonesians were able to watch live streaming coverage of the hearings.
Events supporting the IPT were also held in Indonesia. Although some were cancelled after threats from hard line groups, a discussion and film showing on 18 February at the UIN went ahead without incident, attended by around 200 people. The venue was guarded by student security teams – some armed with sharpened bamboo sticks – to prevent any disruptions.
No mass support
The anti-communist propaganda campaign is being driven by a handful of senior officials, retired army officers and right wing groups. They have little or no mass support, and there have been no independently organised demonstrations or community-based campaigns supporting them.
Likewise, the harassment of events has been carried out by a small number of groups such as the FPI, FUI, FAKI, PP and the FKPPI, or ad hoc alliances of these groups, all of which have links with the TNI, police or the New Order. They have also been behind the occasional but small anti-communist rallies.
Thanks to the proliferation of smart phones, around 60 percent of the population has internet access to alternative information about 1965. Some websites are blocked, but the writings of Marx, Engels and Lenin are freely available.
Claims of an imminent PKI resurgence have also been undermined by the same “communism is dead” propaganda that is peddled in the West. Even though many Indonesians still hold negative and confused views about communism, no-one believes that the PKI is about to be revived.
Rights groups also say that the TNI is trying to whip up anti-communist fears as its role in the killings comes under scrutiny and that there is genuine anxiety that those responsible could be indicted. They also argue that it is being used to justifying broad limits on civil freedoms and to stifle public criticism of the government.
Anti-PKI symposium
As promised, on 1 June anti-communist groups went ahead with a counter-symposium in Jakarta titled “Protecting Pancasila from the threat of the PKI and other ideologies”.
Organisers claimed it was supported by dozens of mass organisations, including the youth wing of the Islamic mass organisation Nahdlatul Ulama and the Catholic Students Union (PMKRI). Both later protested the use of their logos, the PMKRI saying the real threat to the country comes from right wing and extremist religious groups, not the PKI.
Former green beret commander Kivlan Zen, who claimed that the PKI has 15 million supporters and is ready to declare itself, also said that the PKI had started renovating new headquarters in Jakarta. When journalists went to the address, all they found was a dilapidated building overgrown with weeds.
If people weren’t already sceptical about such claims, the right wing wasn’t helped when symposium coordinator general Kiki Syahnakri tried to explain the difference between communism, Marxism and Leninism during a press conference. Syahnakri, a former army general indicted for crimes against humanity by the UN in 2003, explained that a Marxist must be an atheist because dialectical materialism was inspired by the ideas of philosophers Aristotle and Plato.
“Marxism is Aristotelian. So a Marxist doesn’t believe that the universe was created. That is to say, they believe the universe is present in itself”, Syahnakri said. “So it’s clear they’re atheists as they don’t believe in God.” Syahnakri’s explanation quickly went viral on social media after journalist Febriana Firdaus – who was expelled from the event by irate members of the FPI – posted it on her Facebook wall.
The day after the symposium, several thousand protesters from the FPI, FUI and FKPPI, along with retired army generals, rallied in central Jakarta warning of the communist threat.
“Since the beginning of the reform era [in 1998], the PKI has been trying to keep its existence by holding three congresses, managing to reverse the historical facts, spreading videos and films consisting of agitation and defamation, and blaming its own faults on others such as the New Order government, the TNI and Muslims”, said Indra Bambang Utoyo from the FKPPI.
While the government-sponsored symposium did offer a public platform for Indonesians to hear an alternate account from survivors and victims, it was already clear that, without a concerted campaign, there will be no genuine and just resolution to the massacres.
Speaking on 30 May, days before the anti-PKI symposium had even begun, Pandjaitan said that he welcomed the counter-symposium, and its recommendations would be used as input for the government to make a decision on settling past human rights abuses.

Anti-communist backlash in Indonesia reflects political elite anxiety

Up to 30 activists were arrested during the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) visit to the West Papua provincial capital of Jayapura on 13 January. Supporters of West Papuan independence say the visit was hijacked by Jakarta to thwart the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) bid to join the MSG.
Police denied the arrests, claiming the protesters were taken into custody for “questioning” because the rally was illegal. The Tabloid Jubi <a href="http://tabloidjubi.com/2014/01/13/delegasi-msg-tiba-markus-haluk-dan-sejumlah-aktivis-papua-ditahan-polisi/">said</a> that 42 West Papuans were detained.
Following a closed meeting at his office, Papua Governor Lukas Enembe called on the Papuan people not to dwell on alleged past human rights violations because Papua is now “more open”, emphasising that the MSG visit was primarily to promote bilateral, cultural and economic relations.
West Papua was annexed by Indonesia from the Netherlands in 1969. Since that time, it is estimated that as many as 500,000 Papuans have been killed by Indonesian security forces. Sydney University’s West Papua Project <a href="http://sydney.edu.au/arts/peace_conflict/practice/west_papua_project.shtml">reports</a> that the situation is approaching genocide. Papuan activists want self-determination for their people; joining the MSG is seen as a step towards this goal.
The MSG is made up of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) – a pro-independence group from French-ruled New Caledonia. The MSG has promoted regional decolonisation, and in recent years Vanuatu has strongly supported West Papuan independence.
Indonesian handouts
For the first time at an MSG leaders’ summit in Noumea in June, the WPNCL was invited as an official guest. Indonesia, which has MSG observer status, was also present. The meeting was to decide on the WPNCL’s membership application, but a decision was delayed thanks to Indonesian lobbying of Fiji, the grouping’s current chair.
The summit ended with an endorsement of the “inalienable rights of the people of West Papua towards self-determination” and efforts to raise concerns about atrocities with Jakarta. It was announced that a foreign ministers’ visit to West Papua would take place within six months, ahead of a decision on WPNCL’s membership.
Jakarta has since been working hard to woo Melanesian leaders individually. In June, PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill and Foreign Minister Rimbink Pato led a delegation to Jakarta to hold business talks instead of attending the MSG summit. The three-day visit concluded with the signing of an extradition treaty and commercial and civil agreements. Rights activists slammed the treaty, saying it would be used to expel thousands of West Papuans who have fled to PNG.
In August, a visit to Jakarta by Solomon Islands Prime Minister Gordon Darcy Lilo resulted in agreements on technical cooperation, trade commitments and people-to-people relations. According to a <a href="http://www.solomonstarnews.com/news/national/19081-hefty-cash">report</a> by the Solomon Star, senior officials on the delegation received US$25,000 each from Indonesia.
In January, Radio New Zealand International <a href="http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/233013/indonesia-helps-fund-msg-police-academy">reported</a> that Indonesia donated US$500,000 to the soon to be established Regional Police Academy in Fiji, which will be used to train police from MSG countries.
PNG’s Pato said that the MSG recognises the success of “special autonomy” in Papua. Fijian Foreign Affairs Minister Ratu Inoke Kubuabola was <a href="http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/melanesian-foreign-ministers-visit-papua/">quoted</a> by the Jakarta Globe as saying, “We fully respect Indonesia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and we further recognise that West Papua is an integral part of Indonesia.”
Vanuatu objects
Vanuatu withdrew from the scheduled foreign ministers’ delegation at the last minute and, along with the FLNKS, sent only special envoys. Foreign Minister Edward Natapei said the mission was unlikely to achieve what MSG leaders wanted, which was to meet with West Papuan groups – including leaders of pro-independence movements.
Vanuatu also took exception to a joint statement prepared by the MSG and Indonesia because it failed to mention the purpose of the visit or anything to do with the plight of West Papuans. “Just one day before we were to depart Vanuatu to travel to Indonesia, we got the program of the visit, which neglected, it did not involve a meeting with civil society, it did not involve a meeting with the West Papuan people, the leadership in West Papua, who are concerned about human rights and who could give us more information about the WPNCL that is based in Vanuatu. We realised that in fact it was being hijacked by the government of Indonesia to work on another issue, which was to promote economic ties and development cooperation with the government of Indonesia. We felt that we were going to fail in the mission”, Natapei <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-01-16/an-vanuatu-defends-msg-papua-visit-boycott/5203678">told</a> Radio Australia.
Liputan6.com <a href="http://news.liputan6.com/read/800859/video-mahasiswa-papua-barat-hadang-mobil-tamu-negara?wp.trkn">reported</a> that a group of West Papuan students in Jakarta tried to block a vehicle transporting MSG delegates, calling on the ministers to cancel the meeting with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and condemning the MSG for failing to heed the wishes of the West Papuan people to join the MSG.
Despite the earlier pledge to support West Papuan independence, following the meeting with Yudhoyono in Jakarta on 15 January, the MSG delegation made it clear it would not interfere in Indonesia’s “internal affairs”.
In a joint statement, Indonesia and the MSG concluded they “supported respective sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity and the principle of non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, consistent with the Charter of the United Nations”. PNG’s Pato said they had formed “a definite opinion” on “a certain” membership bid that would be forwarded to the MSG leadership.
Vanuatu’s Natapei believes it is now unlikely that the WPNCL will obtain MSG membership. “Considering that the three [other] leaders of MSG have been in Indonesia and they have entered into some agreements with the government of Indonesia, I believe it’s going to be a lot more difficult this time to try and push this agenda forward”, he <a href="http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/radio/program/pacific-beat/vanuatu-defends-boycott-of-msg-mission/1248756">told</a> Radio Australia.
[For the latest news and information on Indonesia and West Papua, visit the Asia Pacific Solidarity Network website at asia-pacific-solidarity.net]

Jakarta accused of ‘hijacking’ MSG mission to West Papua

Tens of thousands of Indonesian workers held a national strike on 31 October and 1 November. Police reported that protests were held in 50 towns and cities in 15 provinces.
Max Lane previously provided <a href="http://www.redflag.org.au/article/indonesia%20percentE2%20percent80%20percent99s-labour-movement-stirs">analysis of, and background to, the strike</a>. Here James Balowski sifts through in more detail the particular actions that took place across the archipelago.
Aceh and Sumatra
Hundreds of workers from the Aceh Labour Alliance rallied at the Regional House of Representatives in Indonesia’s northern-most province on 28 October, calling on the Aceh government to increase the regional minimum wage (UMP) from 1.7 million rupiah a month to 2.3 million (around US$200).
They also called for labour representatives to be involved in the deliberation on a draft by-law on labour, for the abolition of outsourcing in state-owned enterprises and for the government to act against companies refusing to pay the minimum wage. “Their labour is used when needed, but when they’re not needed any more, they get sacked straight away, without severance pay. This is what we are referring to as unjust”, one of the worker representatives <a href="http://www.tribunnews.com/regional/2013/10/29/aliansi-buruh-aceh-tuntut-upah-rp-23-juta">told Serambi Indonesia</a>.
The Jakarta Post <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/10/31/batam-strikes-paralyze-industry.html">reported</a> that around 1,000 foreign investment companies across 26 industrial estates in Batam, Riau Islands, shut down almost all their operations on 31 October. Several industrial estates deployed members of the paramilitary youth organisation Pemuda Pancasila (PP) in front of factories to prevent protesters from forcing management to allow other workers to join the strike.
At the Executive Park industrial complex, dozens of workers tried to demolish the entry gate. An attempt by protesters to blockade Batam’s international airport and several ports failed due to a huge police presence.
In the central Sumatran province of Jambi, workers from the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions protested against a decree by the governor setting the province’s minimum wage at 1.5 million rupiah. “A minimum wage of 1.6 million rupiah must be introduced because our KHL (reasonable cost of living index) is set at Rp1.6 million”, the confederation’s Jambi regional coordinator, Roida Pane, <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/10/31/jambi-workers-reject-new-minimum-wage.html">told the Post</a> on 31 October.
In Lampung province, hundreds of workers descended on government offices demanding the UMP be raised to Rp3.7 million. “The cost of living right now is very high, it is reasonable to ask for 3.7 million rupiah”, said local worker Robin. “The government should pay attention to workers, not just its civil servants”, he added, referring to the huge government expenditure on the Indonesia’s bloated bureaucracy.
“A wage of 1.1 million is not enough to meet daily needs in a month, let alone those that have families”, People’s Movement coordinator Deni Kurniawan was <a href="http://www.antaranews.com/berita/403063/buruh-tuntut-ump-rp37-juta-di-kantor-pemprov-lampung">quoted by Antara News</a>.
In the North Sumatran capital of Medan, workers rallied to oppose the provincial government’s decision to raise the 2014 minimum wage by just 10 percent. “The prices of staple foods and other goods have increased by at least 30 percent. Therefore, we demand a 50 percent increase and reject anything below that figure”, trade union leader Minggu Saragih <a href="http://m.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/11/03/n-sumatra-workers-oppose-2014-minimum-wage.html">told the Associated Press</a>.
Saragih said workers would launch massive strikes that would cripple the province’s economy and called on 1.6 million union members to stop paying motorcycle tax until the governor revised the decision.
West Java
The 31 October <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/10/31/bogor-depok-workers-strike-better-pay.html">Jakarta Post reported</a> that more than 50,000 workers rallied in the West Java cities of Bogor and Depok, demanding that the minimum wage be increased to Rp3.7 million and that outsourcing be eliminated. Three major retailers – Giant, Carrefour and Tip Top – were closed due to the strike.
In Bogor, workers protested the Bogor regent’s proposed UMP of Rp1.7 million, saying that it was far from enough to meet daily needs. In Depok, workers blocked the city’s main thoroughfare for around an hour. All Indonesia Workers Union Depok chairperson Sugino said fuel price increases had forced workers to demand the salary adjustment. “This year alone we have experienced fuel and electricity price hikes. We are only just surviving”, he told the Post.
In Bekasi, around 5,000 workers blockaded the main road in front of the mayor’s office, demanding wage rises. Nanang, one of the workers’ representatives, said that that they were demanding a 50 percent increase in the UMP or 2.1 million for Bekasi City, based on the basic cost of living following recent fuel price hikes. “A minimum increase of 40 percent, we could agree to”, she was quoted as saying by <a href="http://www.tempo.co/read/news/2013/10/31/064526223/Buruh-Blokir-Jalan-Utama-Kota-Bekasi">news outlet Tempo</a>, adding that although workers were aware that the blockade disrupted traffic, it was the only effective means to get employers to agree to their demands.
Jakarta
Workers in Jakarta launched a two day strike on 31 October as the Jakarta wage council – which is made up of labour, employer and city administration representatives – met to set the regional minimum wage for 2014. Workers refused to attend the meeting, saying the deliberations were based on a KHL that was out of date.
 “Our protests are concentrated in industrial areas”, Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Indonesia (KSPI – Indonesian Trade Union Confederation) chairperson Said Iqbal <a href="http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/jakarta/national-stike-begins-as-workers-demand-healthcare-and-higher-pay">told the Jakarta Globe</a>. Iqbal said that 2 million workers in 20 provinces joined the strike including 250,000 workers in the Jakarta industrial areas of Pulogadung and Cakung and 300,000 in the Jakarta satellite city of Bekasi.
In South Cikarang several workers were seriously injured when they were attacked by paid thugs from the PP. “This morning, at 8.15am, there was a clash between workers and [Pemuda Pancasila], who did not like the rally”, Jakarta police spokesperson Senior Commissioner Rikwanto <a href="http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/jakarta/eight-injured-in-clash-between-pemuda-pancasila-and-striking-workers">told the Jakarta Globe</a> on 31 October.
Rikwanto said the clash involved 15,000 workers and 500 members of PP, who claimed that the strike would affect their livelihoods and the investment climate in Indonesia. “Eight persons were injured, hit by stones or stabbed. Four workers and four security guards [were hurt]”, he said. The PP was established by the army in 1959 and used to carry out the Suharto dictatorship’s dirty work. The organisation still has close ties with the military and police and has been linked to racketeering and extortion.
Speaking at a press conference later in the day, Iqbal said that in addition to the PP, the Sons of Bekasi Association and the Bekasi Association of Waste Companies were also involved in the attack. He also noted that the media had tried to portray the incident as a clash between strikers and local residents and paint the workers’ actions in a negative light.
“[They were] thugs who were paid, slashing and stabbing with machetes, samurai [swords]. This is clearly what was caught on television”, he <a href="http://metro.news.viva.co.id/news/read/455375-bentrok-di-bekasi--buruh-tuntut-tiga-ormas-bertanggung-jawab">told Viva News</a>.
Workers are calling on police to question the leaders of the organisations and for the Bekasi police chief to be sacked for allowing people to carry weapons. If the police fail to act, said Iqbal, then workers would take up the fight. “We will go up against them in the context of defending [ourselves] not attack. What kind of country is this where black employers work with criminals”, he said.
Following a gubernatorial decree endorsing the wage council’s decision to raise the minimum wage by just 11 percent, on 2 November thousands of workers descended on the Jakarta city hall, saying the meagre increase constituted an economic injustice. The protesters, coming mostly from industrial estates in Cilincing, Pulogadung and Cakung, forced their way onto city hall grounds and threatened not to leave until the governor annulled the decree.
Jakarta Labour Forum secretary general Muhammad Toha said they were disappointed with Governor Joko Widodo for signing off on a UMP of Rp2.4 million. “We will keep fighting, we will stay overnight to protest here until the governor changes the decree”, he <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/11/02/workers-protest-11-wage-hike.html">told the Jakarta Post</a>.
Central and East Java
In Demak regency, Central Java, around 3,000 workers from the Demak Labour Movement (Gebrak) rallied in front of the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD), demanding wage rises. “We don’t agree with the UMP proposed by the Demak regional government of 1.28 million. We are demanding a minimum wage of 1.515 million”, PT Etercon Farma Sayung worker Supriadi was quoted as saying <a href="http://id.berita.yahoo.com/buruh-di-demak-tuntut-upah-minimum-rp-1-072124163.html">by Tribune News</a>.
“We have tried lobbying four times, but there was no result. It’s as if the regional government and the DPRD don’t care”, said Gebrak chairperson Jangkar Puspito.
<a href="http://news.detik.com/read/2013/10/30/110636/2399167/10/minta-upah-rp-3-juta-buruh-blokir-pantura-di-semarang">Detik News reported</a> that hundreds of workers from the Federasi Serikat Pekerja Metal Indonesia (Federation of Indonesian Metal Workers) in the provincial capital of Semarang blockaded the Java north coast road on 30 October, demanding that the governor agree to a 3 million rupiah minimum wage. Action coordinator Somad said they plan to hold even bigger actions in front of the Semarang city hall, which will be followed by a rally at the governor’s office, where workers from several different parts of Central Java will gather and demonstrate.
Scores of students from the Student Struggle Centre for National Liberation (Pembebasan) – which is affiliated with the People’s Liberation Party – held an action in solidarity with the national strike in the city of Yogyakarta on 1 November.
The rally, which was held in front of the Yogyakarta Presidential Palace, was marked with the lighting of 1,000 candles. “Almost all workers in the country are taking action. Moreover, workers in Jabotabek [Greater Jakarta] are standing firm to fight for their rights. We are here to support the actions by the workers”, action coordinator Ajwar <a href="http://jogja.tribunnews.com/2013/11/01/mahasiswa-gelar-aksi-seribu-lilin-untuk-buruh">told Tribune News</a>.
The students condemned the PP’s attack on striking workers in Bekasi: “It is very regrettable that in a democratic country there are still efforts to muzzle the people’s wishes by acts of thuggery. We condemn this brutal action”, Ajwar said.
A rally was also held by hundreds of workers from the Yogyakarta Labour Alliance (ABY), who blockaded the main road running through the Malioboro shopping district. They then moved on to the DPRD, but after discovering that all the lawmakers were away on “working visits”, they rallied at the Yogyakarta governor’s office. ABY secretary general Kirnadi said that the Yogyakarta minimum wage is still far from reasonable. “If workers’ wages in Yogya are not raised, then it is reasonable for us to question Yogyakarta’s special status. Yogya would be special if workers were prosperous”, <a href="http://news.detik.com/read/2013/10/31/113121/2400296/10/tuntut-kenaikan-upah-buruh-blokir-jalan-malioboro">said Kirnadi in a speech</a>.
Protesting workers in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya threatened to occupy the governor’s office if their demands for a UMP of 3 million rupiah were not met. <a href="http://www.tempo.co/read/news/2013/10/31/058526237/Buruh-Jawa-Timur-Tuntut-Upah-Rp-3-Juta">KSPI Deputy Secretary Jamaludin said</a>, “We will occupy the governor’s office until the demand for 3 million is met”, as around 10,000 workers from Surabaya, Sidoarjo, Gresik, Pasuruan and Mojokerto demonstrated and gave speeches on the road in front of the governor’s office.
The workers also called for the annulment of Presidential Instruction 9/2013 (which limits wage increases), an end to contract labour and outsourcing and revisions to the KHL.
Kalimantan and Sulawesi
In the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar, a coalition of students, workers and urban poor organisations from Social Solidarity Action for the Indonesian People rallied in front of the Makassar Industrial Zone, blockading the main road to the city centre.
National Trade Union Confederation chairperson Salim Samsur said the action was held to condemn the South Sulawesi governor. “Today around 300 workers closed off the road. If our demands are not met, in coming days 3,000 workers will close the road”, he <a href="http://id.berita.yahoo.com/buruh-tutup-jalan-di-pintu-ii-kima-makassar-083506185.html">told Tribune News</a> on 31 October.
Around 100 workers in the East Kalimantan city of Samarinda rallied at the governor’s office on 28 October, demanding a 50 percent wage increase. “In addition to demanding an increase in the UMP to a minimum of 2.8 million rupiah a month, we are also demanding that the government immediately abolish contract labour systems and outsourcing”, one of the action coordinators, Yuno, was quoted as saying <a href="http://id.berita.yahoo.com/buruh-kaltim-minta-kenaikan-upah-jadi-rp2-8-081054876.html">by Antara News</a>.
The workers also criticised the recent presidential instruction, which by placing a cap on minimum wage increases is nothing but manipulation on the part of the political elite to maintain low wages.
[For the latest news and information on Indonesia visit <a href="http://www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net/">Asia Pacific Solidarity Network</a>.]

Indonesia strike round-up

While rights groups have welcomed the conviction last month of 12 soldiers from the army’s notorious Special Forces (Kopassus) for the murder of four civilians in March, lenient sentences and a failure to investigate senior officers have led to renewed calls for military reform.
In the early hours of 23 March, a group of heavily armed men stormed the Cebongan penitentiary in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta. After forcing their way into the prison, they executed four detainees awaiting trial for allegedly murdering former Kopassus member First Sergeant Heru Santoso in a drug-related brawl three days earlier.
The four should have been detained at the Yogyakarta police detention centre but were transferred to Cebongan on 22 March, allegedly because the detention centre ceiling was damaged. It was later revealed that Yogyakarta police chief Brigadier General Sabar Rahardjo received intelligence that Kopassus soldiers were <a href="http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/kopassus-special-forces-soldiers-guilty-over-cebongan-murders">planning an attack</a> on the police compound to avenge their colleague. Why Rahardjo never reported this to his superiors or military (TNI) counterpart has not been explained.
Suspicion immediately fell on the military due to the strong motive and the military precision of the operation. The TNI top brass, however, were quick to quash such speculations; regional commander Major General Hardiono Saroso <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/03/24/kopassus-stands-accused-sleman-killings.html">insisted</a> that none of his soldiers were involved.
Then on 4 April the TNI announced that soldiers from the Kopassus Group 2 had <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/04/06/tni-s-cebongan-probe-receives-praise-doubt.html">confessed to the killings</a>. Twelve Kopassus soldiers were later indicted. Along with Rahardjo, Saroso was removed his post.
Kopassus killers
Kopassus has been implicated in some of the worst human rights violations and war crimes committed by the TNI, with only a handful of its members ever being held accountable.
Then called RPKAD and under the command of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s father-in-law, the late General Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, Kopassus spearheaded the mass murder and terror campaign after former President Suharto and the military seized power in 1965, in which 1-2 million communists and left-wing sympathisers were killed, and hundreds of thousands of others interned without trial.
The unit was involved in the murder of five Australia-based journalists at Balibo in 1975, prior to Indonesia’s full-scale invasion of East Timor. Kopassus and other troops were indicted by UN-backed prosecutors in East Timor for crimes against humanity during the 25-year occupation and in 1999, but remain at large. Although some Kopassus officers were convicted of the kidnapping of student activists in 1997-98 and the 2001 murder of leading West Papuan figure Theys Eluay, the majority have evaded prosecution.
Kopassus was also implicated in the 2002 fatal ambush of two US teachers and an Indonesian national near the Freeport mine in West Papua, widely believed to be retaliation for a decision by Freeport to stop paying the TNI for “security services”. According to a 2009 report by New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW), Kopassus continues to be involved in arbitrary arrest, detention and mistreatment in West Papua.
The US and Australia severed military ties with Indonesia after TNI-backed militias rampaged through East Timor following the UN-sponsored independence referendum in 1999. The US began quietly restoring contacts the following year and by 2005 had resumed full engagement with the TNI, although this still excluded Kopassus. Ignoring criticism from rights groups, in 2010 the Barack Obama administration lifted its ban on training Kopassus.
The Australian government resumed cooperation in 2003, arguing that “Kopassus had come a long way from an era of human rights abuses”. In 2005 Canberra <a href="http://www.defence.gov.au/minister/13tpl.cfm?CurrentId=5309">announced</a> it would restart joint counter-terrorism exercises with Kopassus in order to “safeguard Australian lives and interests abroad”. A 2004 <a href="http://ips.cap.anu.edu.au/publications/australias-renewal-training-links-kopassus-critique">report</a> by the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre said that Kopassus had not reformed and that cooperation in the interest of saving Australian lives is questionable given its chequered history of anti-terrorist operations.
Military trials
The killings renewed calls to amend the 1997 Military Tribunal Law under which all crimes committed by TNI personnel are prosecuted and tried by military courts. During the UN Universal Periodic Review of Indonesia’s human rights record in 2007 and 2012, Jakarta committed to reforming the military tribunal system but has not done so.
Despite these calls, the government and the TNI insisted that the soldiers be tried by a military tribunal. Yudhoyono, while issuing a strongly worded statement condemning the soldiers’ actions, stopped short of calling for a civilian trial.
After a five-month investigation described as lacking transparency and accountability, the trials began at the Yogyakarta Military Court on 20 June, characterised by an atmosphere of intimidation and harassment. Paramilitary groups held noisy protests outside the courthouse while inside they repeatedly disrupted proceedings. The judges did nothing to stop this, and several eyewitnesses failed to testify for reasons the court did not explain.
On 5 and 6 September, the court sentenced the three most directly responsible for the killings to 6-11 years in jail and discharged them from the TNI. The remainder were sentenced to between four months 20 days and one year and nine months but not discharged.
While HRW and Amnesty International said that the verdicts marked an important departure from the usual impunity given TNI personnel, the sentences did not match the gravity of the crimes, and the tribunals were tainted by witness intimidation and hampered by superficial investigations.
The Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace called the verdict fair, but <a href="http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/kopassus-special-forces-soldiers-guilty-over-cebongan-murders">criticised the investigation</a> for stopping at low-ranking soldiers: “[S]till, their superiors remained untouched. It seems like the soldiers are being sacrificed to keep the institution’s name clean.”
On 20 September, it was <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/09/20/release-cebongan-case-convicts-denounced.html">reported</a> that eight of the soldiers had been released, either because their detention terms had exceeded their sentences or because the detentions were not extended. Since they were not discharged from the TNI, they are presumably free to return to active duty.
[For the latest news and information on Indonesia visit <a href="http://www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net/">Asia Pacific Solidarity Network</a>.]

Renewed calls for Indonesian military reform

Human rights groups have condemned a US government decision to go ahead with the sale of eight Apache attack helicopters to Indonesia, saying they are offensive weapons likely to be employed in counterinsurgency operations in West Papua.
The US$500 million deal – the largest since Washington lifted its embargo on selling lethal arms to Indonesia in 2005 – was announced by US secretary of defense Chuck Hagel and will include pilot training, radar technologies and maintenance.
 “Providing Indonesia these world-class helicopters is an example of our commitment to help build Indonesia’s military capability”, Hagel said in Jakarta on 26 March. A US official speaking anonymously told reporters that the gunships would strengthen Indonesia’s anti-piracy operations and broaden “maritime awareness”.
According to the Jakarta Globe, the deal is a culmination of more than a year’s behind-the-scenes work by Indonesia, which views the helicopters as a key part of a plan to modernise its weaponry.
The sale represents the latest step in a gradual rapprochement between Washington and the Indonesian Military (TNI) in the face of opposition by human rights groups.
Real weapons, pretend reforms
In the wake of international outrage following the massacre of more than 100 peaceful protesters in East Timor in 1991, the US Congress cut off Indonesia’s access to specific kinds of military training and “lethal” equipment. When TNI-backed militias rampaged through East Timor after the UN-sponsored independence referendum in 1999, President Bill Clinton severed all remaining military ties, but then quietly restored contacts the following year.
Under the 1997 Leahy law – named after its author, US Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont – the US is banned from providing training or other kinds of assistance to any foreign military unit if there is “credible evidence” that it has committed “gross violations of human rights”. This can be waived if the secretary of state certifies that the relevant foreign government is “taking effective measures” to bring responsible members of the unit to justice.
Following the 9/11 terrorist attack in 2001 and the 2002 Bali bombing, the Bush administration attempted to circumvent these restrictions by providing assistance through a counter-terrorism program. In 2005, the administration issued a national security waiver allowing full engagement with the TNI, and abandoned the conditions for renewed cooperation, including TNI reforms and prosecution of soldiers responsible for rights violations.
Despite a complete failure to meet any of the conditions set by Congress, in July 2010 the Obama administration lifted a 12-year ban on US training of the TNI’s elite Special Forces Kopassus, accused of perpetrating some of the worst crimes against the people of East Timor, Indonesia and West Papua.
Australia – which also severed military ties in 1999 – resumed cooperation with the TNI in late 2002. Canberra’s resumption of training with Kopassus in 2005 was cited as a justification by the US for the lifting of its training ban.
A military tribunal is currently trying 12 Kopassus soldiers accused of storming a prison in Central Java and executing four detainees who allegedly killed a former Kopassus member in a drug-related brawl in March. The incident follows a “marathon of violence” by the TNI, rights groups reporting 51 cases of murder, attacks, intimidation, torture and land confiscation by TNI members in the first quarter of 2013.
Offensive weapons
Human rights groups say that it will be impossible for the US to dictate the TNI’s use of the new hardware once the sale has gone through. “The problem is that these are offensive-only weapons. Given the TNI’s history, they’re more likely to be used for internal repression than for external defence”, East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) National Coordinator John Miller told Red Flag. “The military will use these helicopters as they want. These are weapons of war, weapons of counterinsurgency, so it would be foolish to expect that the Indonesians wouldn’t use them in places like West Papua.”
When it first emerged last year that Indonesia was looking to acquire the Apaches, civil society groups wrote an open letter to the US Congress warning that Indonesia’s “long record of disregard for civilian casualties, corruption, human rights violations and impunity” should preclude the sale.
“These aircraft will substantially augment the [TNI’s] capacity to prosecute its ‘sweep operations’ in West Papua, and thereby almost certainly lead to increased suffering among the civilian populations long victimised by such operations”, the groups said. Organised by ETAN and the West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT), the letter was signed by 90 human rights, religious, indigenous rights, disarmament and other organisations based in 14 countries.
In a statement released on 26 April, the ETAN and the WPAT said the sale demonstrates that US concern for human rights and justice in Indonesia is nothing more than hollow rhetoric.
“The sale … ignores the appalling record of human rights violations by the Indonesian military, which will operate this deadly weapons system”, the statement said. “The TNI continues to conduct military campaigns in West Papua. The military’s ‘sweeps’ and other military operations purportedly target the few remaining, lightly-armed pro-independence guerrillas. In reality, the operations are aimed at repressing and intimidating Papuans.”
The groups noted with concern a statement by Indonesian defence minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro that the deal does not include any conditions restricting the use of the weapons.
[For the latest news and information on Indonesia, visit the Asia Pacific Solidarity Network website at <a href="http://www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net">www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net</a>.]

US expands arms sales to Indonesia

The Appeal of Conscience Foundation (ACF) – a US-based interfaith organisation of business leaders – presented Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with the World Statesman Award in New York on 30 May, in “recognition of his work in supporting human rights and religious freedom”.
In accepting the award and congratulatory letter from President Barack Obama, Yudhoyono conceded that “pockets” of religious intolerance persist in Indonesia, but insisted his government would not tolerate violence in the name of religion. “We will not allow any desecration of places of worship of any religion for whatever reason. We will always protect our minorities and ensure that no one suffers from discrimination. We will make sure that those who violate the rights of others will face the arms of justice”, he said at an event charging US$10,000-100,000 per table for corporate sponsors.
Outside, under the close watch of New York City police, the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network – which collected 5000 online signatures rejecting the award – held a rally accusing the ACF of polishing Yudhoyono’s image abroad when intolerance was in the rise in Indonesia.
Angry protests
Yudhoyono’s nomination last month was greeted by ridicule and angry protest. The Human Rights Working Group said that he had failed to prevent violence committed in the name of religion or ensure justice for victims, and accused officials of intolerance and persecuting victims.In Jakarta, a coalition representing Ahmadis, Shiites and Christian congregations barred from their places of worship by hardline Islamic groups and local governments protested at the State Palace and US embassy, calling on Yudhoyono to turn down the award. The National Alliance of Unity in Diversity, the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace and the Wahid Institute said the award was an “insult to victims of religious persecution”.
The day before Yudhoyono departed for the US, hundreds of members of churches closed down by local administrations ridiculed Yudhoyono by presenting him with the World “Statements” Award on Religious Freedom 2013, alluding to his predilection for making statements but doing nothing.
Mainstream Islamic organisations, including the country’s top religious body, the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) – which has played a key role in stoking religious violence – gave Yudhoyono their blessing.
Since being elected in 2004, Yudhoyono’s pro-business government has relied on the support of conservative Islamic-based parties. Local governments have pandered to the moral-conservative vote to prop up flagging electoral support by passing sharia-based by-laws and banning “deviant” religious sects – creating an atmosphere that feeds into the agenda of hardline groups, many of which were established with military backing. Minority houses of worship have been vandalised and closed and members of minorities assaulted and killed. Police rarely take action and usually side with attackers, while courts give perpetrators a slap on the wrist and jail victims for defending themselves.
In 2005 the MUI issued an edict against Ahmadiyah, a minority Islamic sect, calling its teachings blasphemous. In 2008 the government enacted a decree banning the group from propagating its beliefs. These actions have resulted in widespread violence against Ahmadi Muslims. Discrimination is also legitimised by the 1965 blasphemy law, which recognises only six religions, in effect outlawing the 250 or more minority faiths in Indonesia. According to the government’s own human rights commission, there at least 100 laws discriminating against minorities.
Government complicity
A report by Human Rights Watch in February noted that since Yudhoyono took office there had been a marked increase in violence targeting minorities, and the government had been complicit with officials and police, facilitating harassment and intimidation by Islamist groups, making discriminatory statements, refusing to issue building permits and pressuring congregations to relocate. Last month Amnesty International and the US State Department also released reports critical of abuses and the government’s failure to protect minorities.
The government responded by claiming Yudhoyono never “asked for the award” or trying to shift the blame onto local governments and police for “ignoring his speeches”. They have belittled critics as “narrow minded”, saying their views are “based only on what they’ve seen on TV”.
Critics consider the entire affair as a publicity stunt engineered by the president’s inner circle and the ACF to boost Yudhoyono’s international stature and dismal approval rating at home before he leaves office next year. The Indonesian embassy was forced to deny newspaper reports that families of consulate, embassy and central bank staff were paid US$100 a head to hold a counter-rally in New York supporting Yudhoyono.
Highlighting the disconnect with reality, on the day Yudhoyono received the award, a joint ministerial meeting reaffirmed curbs on Ahmadiyah’s activities, concluding that the 2008 decree used by hardliners to justify attacks is “the key to curbing violence against the community”. Speaking in Jakarta, religious affairs minister Suryadharma reiterated his view that Ahmadiyah is a “deviant sect” and the best resolution would be for its members to convert to the “right” teachings of Islam. 
[For the latest news and information on Indonesia visit <a href="http://www.asia-pacific-solidarity.net">asia-pacific-solidarity.net</a>]

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Indonesia strike round-up

Renewed calls for Indonesian military reform

US expands arms sales to Indonesia

Indonesian president’s award an insult

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