For six years, Bashar al-Assad has waged a campaign of extermination against a people who rose for freedom. His crimes have been so well documented, by both testimony and photographic evidence, that the international community is left in little doubt that this man, and his regime, have perpetrated atrocities on such a scale that they amount to crimes against humanity.
Yet today there are few voices within the international community calling for Assad’s departure. The focus is now on regime preservation, “stability” and the ever expanding War on Terror. It seems that the crimes of the tyrant can be forgiven, forgotten, erased from history, that he can keep the throne he destroyed a country for.
We shouldn’t be surprised that those in power protect the interests of the powerful. Or that there was never any real support for a popular movement that brought a state to its knees. Even those “Friends of Syria” who spent millions on their five-star conferences as the country burned were only ever motivated by their own interests and agendas. Welcome to the theatre of the absurd.
But forgiving and forgetting are luxuries not afforded to those who have lost everything. It’s much easier to be a “neutral observer” from the outside. For millions of Syrians, the political is personal and the wounds of war will not be easily healed. Memories forged from pain are not so easily effaced.
You forget. The brutality of this regime did not begin in 2011. The totalitarian state was founded by Assad père. It was he who built the Kingdom of Silence and Terror where all dissent was ruthlessly crushed. Thousands of political opponents disappeared into the Syrian gulag. Many never got out. Those who did were often a shell of their former selves, ghosts amongst the living, broken by the torture, by the horror.
And then there was Hama, the city razed in 1982 to quell an insurgency. Thousands – mainly civilians – lost their lives at the hands of Assad’s army. The viciousness of this repression kept Syrians silent, humiliated, until Mohamed Bouazizi – a Tunisian – ignited the hopes of a new generation.
When Bashar inherited the dictatorship from his father, little changed, except for the cosmetics of discourse. “Modernisation” and “development” were the new buzzwords – but the regime kept people impoverished politically, economically and culturally. Bashar’s neoliberal reforms benefited the crony capitalist class – who amassed wealth through connections and corruption, pillaging and plundering a country they saw as their own personal fief – holding the masses in perpetual contempt. Bashar had no wish to reform the fascist nature of the Syrian state. Imprisonment of regime critics, torture and enforced disappearance remained widespread. Syrians will not forget.
The revolution fostered such great hopes for change. And those hopes were crushed and shattered into a million pieces mirroring the fragments of a bleeding nation that descended into chaos and war. The regime’s barbarisms – and new barbarisms – were unleashed on a scale no-one could have predicted and no-one could contain. And in the international community’s acquiescence to the Syrian regime’s crimes, obscene levels of violence meted out by a state against rebelling citizens have become normalised. The ramifications will be felt not only by Syrians, but by all.
What does forgiveness look like for a mother who has pulled her child – piece by bloodied piece – from the ruins of her smouldering home? What does forgiveness look like for those who struggled to identify the tortured corpse of a loved one? For those who will now live a life of poverty and exile, severed from their homeland, their memories, and their dreams? Will forgetting come easily? Or will they be consumed by grief, rage and a desire for revenge?
Dreams are haunted by friends and heroes who are no longer here. What were their thoughts in their dying moments? Did they regret daring to dream that the impossible was possible? Did they cry out for their mothers as their bodies were racked by pain and cast aside? How did they feel as they were being brutalised – transformed from a human being, with all their hopes and fears – into just another statistic? Is it possible to forgive, to forget?
There is one thing that unites all Syrians, regardless of their political views: a feeling of immense pain and loss. And no doubt some element of forgiveness will be necessary to heal the wounds of a fractured nation. But it is hard to see how the country can move forward when the man and the regime responsible for this horror remain in place. The political leaders who presided over and directed this descent into barbarity must be held accountable for their crimes. As the slogan has it, “No justice, no peace”.

Leila Al Shami

Syria: the act of forgiving (and forgetting)

The people of eastern Aleppo celebrated on 6 August after rebels broke through the siege that had been imposed on them by the Syrian regime and its allies since 17 July. For almost a month, the areas of the city held by the revolutionaries since July 2012 had been turned into an open-air prison where some 300,000 people stockpiled food and supplies for fear of starvation.
It required a great feat of unity for the rebels, with their vastly inferior arsenal, to break the siege. The democratic nationalists of the Free Syrian Army joined together with Islamist militias and, crucially, Jabhat Fatah Al Sham, which until earlier this month had been known as the Nusra Front, Al Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria.
Syrian civil society was not generally impressed by the rebrand. Whilst Nusra has avoided the strict imposition of Islamic law in areas where it has a presence, there has been popular opposition to the group due to its attempts to undermine local civil administrative structures and its establishment of parallel structures such as sharia courts. 
Free Aleppo embodies the aspirations of the continuing but increasingly marginalised popular struggle for freedom.
Nusra has also arrested civil society activists including journalists and local council members and has been responsible for sectarian attacks. Indeed, revolutionaries in Idlib province have been protesting for more than 147 days against Nusra’s refusal to submit to independent courts and calling for the release of Nusra’s detainees. 
In Aleppo, Nusra was pushed out of the city in 2014 by popular pressure, but recently returned. It has clashed with other rebel groups and has been unpopular among city residents due to its attempts to dominate institutions and service provision, such as electricity and food supply.
But the demands of survival supersede political principles. Many democrats – people who are terrified by the prospect of jihadist rule – find themselves celebrating jihadist advances. Nusra is a key component of Jaish Al Fath, the Army of Conquest, which freed the city of Idlib from the regime last year. And Jaish Al Fatah led the assault that broke the siege of Aleppo. 
Residents of liberated Aleppo demonstrated in support of the counter-offensive. In a tragi-comic display of defiance in the days of intense fighting last week, the people of Aleppo burned hundreds of tyres, sending plumes of black smoke into the air to create their own No Fly Zone. The success in breaking the siege only increases the importance of Nusra in the eyes of the local population. This is where abandonment has led.
The fall of Aleppo, which seemed imminent only days ago, wouldn’t have ended the war but may have signalled the death of a revolution which has already been betrayed and abandoned. Free Aleppo embodies the aspirations of the continuing but increasingly marginalised popular struggle for freedom. With little beyond rhetorical support from their supposed friends in the West, the Syrian people pushed out the Assad dictatorship in July 2012 and pushed out Daesh (ISIS) extremists in January 2014.
The liberated districts of the east ran their own affairs and struggled to keep basic services operating through their democratically elected local councils. One of the largest concentrations of active civil society groups anywhere in the country came into existence, including dozens of free media groups and emergency and relief organizations such as the “White Helmets” Civil Defence Force. 
A group of women set up the first women-owned independent radio station, Radio Naseem, which discusses human rights issues, women’s role in the revolution and the dangers posed by extremism. This is the legacy of the revolution, the embodiment of its democratic ideals and its resilience, and it’s this which is currently being bombed out of existence.
Aleppo has suffered years of artillery strikes, barrel bombs and scuds, but the current bombing is the most intense ever. Hospitals and camps for displaced people have been bombed repeatedly by the Russian or Syrian air forces. 
Attacks on residential areas by the regime and its allies have driven thousands from their homes. With nowhere else to go, many are now sleeping in public buildings or outdoors. Water, electricity and healthcare facilities are being deliberately targeted. These war crimes have brought essential and life saving services to the brink of collapse. Critical shortages of medical supplies and physicians leave little help for the daily wounded.
In retaliation for the rebel’s recent success, Idlib is being pounded by airstrikes, with reports of Russian jets dropping incendiary thermite bombs on civilian areas. On 10 August, there were reports of chlorine gas attacks on rebel-held Aleppo.
In such a context, regime/Russian claims of establishing “humanitarian corridors” for people to flee are seen for what they are: an attempt to depopulate the opposition-held area and signal that those who remain are a legitimate target for the mass slaughter now taking place. The bombs need to stop and aid desperately needs to be allowed into the city.
The US administration, never a true ally of the popular struggle, is now pushing for greater military cooperation with Russia in the “fight against terrorism”. According to Russia’s definition this includes any opposition to the regime. This short-sighted policy suggests it trusts Russia to pressure the regime to end its assault on moderate rebel groups and opposition-held territory, despite Russia and the regime’s failures to abide by any agreements made relating to ceasefires or access for humanitarian aid. 
The perception on the ground is that the US is collaborating with those who are attacking them. If democratic anti-regime forces are crushed by foreign powers and sectarian Shia militias, violent extremism will only grow in their place.
The West doesn’t need to militarily intervene against the regime or Daesh. Syrian revolutionaries have been successful in defeating them in the past and they could do so again. But much stronger political and economic pressure is needed on countries propping up the regime (the main cause of the bloodshed and extremism) to end their support. 
Assad can’t hold ground alone and is completely dependent on foreign forces for survival (Russian airstrikes, and Iranian-backed Shia militias on the ground). The regime is desperately attempting to recruit prisoners and teachers to fight as regime loyalists try to avoid conscription or flee.
As Aleppo burned, then starved, the United States appeased Russia and Iran, turned a blind eye to Iran’s Shia jihadists, vetoed anti-aircraft weapons to the rebels and failed to give adequate support to democratic civil initiatives. Al Qaeda’s former affiliate, on the other hand, are giving their blood to save the city. The ramifications will be enormous.

Syria: the act of forgiving (and forgetting)

Breaking the siege of Aleppo

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