The luxury hotel suites in Davos, a ski resort nestled in the Swiss Alps, filled with the world’s corporate and political elite for the 53rd annual World Economic Forum (WEF) in late January.
A certain air of unease was reported among the billionaires, executives, politicians, managers of international financial institutions, economists and academics in attendance. Klaus Schwab, the founder of the WEF, told reporters ahead of the conference that “economic, environmental, social and geopolitical crises are converging and conflating, creating an extremely versatile and uncertain future”.
Running the system might be a little more complicated than in previous years. But as is made clear by a recent Oxfam International report on world inequality, published ahead of the Davos summit, life for those at the top is nevertheless positively breezy compared to life for the rest of us.
In fact, the discrepancy between fortunes of the rich and poor has never been starker. Even for seasoned critics of capitalism, the headline statistic published by Oxfam makes the jaw drop in amazement. Of all the new wealth produced globally since 2020, two-thirds has gone into the pockets of the wealthiest 1 percent. And the powerful and privileged are amassing more wealth by the day—on average an extra US$2.7 billion is added to the fortunes of the world’s billionaires with each rotation of the Earth.
The inflationary pressures driving down living standards of workers last year resulted in ballooning profits for big businesses. This turned into record breaking payments to shareholders and bonuses for executives, which were then converted into private jets and super-yachts for the rich. It’s hard to get a sense of what this amount of wealth looks like with references to statistics and figures alone. Take a walk around the wealthiest postcodes of your city to view the sparkling new sports cars parked outside of mansions. Sales in luxury goods like designer handbags and Rolex watches are through the roof.
How is this possible? How can a few people accumulate such staggering amounts of wealth while the majority struggle to make ends meet? Marx had a simple term to explain this: exploitation. By this he meant the process of value extraction by bosses from workers. The wealth generated by those who perform essential labour to make the world run is controlled by the owners of industry—the capitalist class. Once that value is realised by the products of labour being sold, only a fraction of the wealth goes to those who did the work.

Kim Stern

Oxfam report reveals staggering inequality

Hundreds of nurses and midwives walked off the job at St Vincent’s Private Hospital in Sydney on Thursday. In response to stalled negotiation, blue-scrub-clad members of the NSW Nurses and Midwives’ Association rallied outside the Darlinghurst hospital and the Mater Hospital in North Sydney for a one-hour stoppage at 1pm. 
This was reportedly the first industrial action taken at St Vincent’s private in more than twenty years. It followed a recent vote to reject a contract that offered a below inflation “pay rise” of 3.75 percent in 2023 followed by 3.25 percent in 2024 and 2025. 
A glance at the conditions workers face inside the hospitals explains the vote and the enthusiasm for taking action. Since the start of the pandemic, private hospitals have taken on patients from public hospitals overrun with COVID-19 cases. Existing staff have had to shoulder increased workloads, such as gruelling fourteen-hour shifts. This has led to an exodus of nurses—including many experienced senior staff opting to retire early rather than work to breaking point—which has put even more strain on the system. 
“Before the pandemic, this was quite a happy environment. We were well staffed”, Phoebe Turner, the Mater Hospital’s union branch president, told Red Flag. But with staff not being replaced, there are now chronic staff shortages. “In theatres alone, normally there’s one anaesthetic nurse for every theatre ... Now they’re stretching them to one anaesthetic nurse to four theatres”, she said.
“We used to have farewell parties for all the nurses that were leaving. We’d have a cake—all of that”, Turner continued. “Now, everyone’s leaving. We don’t even bother having parties, because literally it’s just so often that people are going that ... nobody can bloody afford a cake.”
Outside the wards, life is getting harder for healthcare workers. A St Vincent’s Health spokesperson expressed disappointment at the industrial action proceeding despite “the generosity of the offer” from hospital management. But the private hospitals run at a profit and provide care for billionaires such as Lachlan Murdoch and James Packer—the offer of a real wage cut is a slap in the face. 
Addressing the rally at Darlinghurst, the hospital’s lead delegate told the crowd that very few nurses working in the building live in the area because nobody can afford the rents. 
Alongside a 5.5 percent or inflation-pegged pay rise, the union is demanding shift-based nurse-to-patient ratios. There are no mandated ratios in NSW for public or private hospitals. 
Many nurses and midwives who spoke to Red Flag mentioned the four state-wide strikes held by their colleagues in the public sector this year. Those actions gave confidence to unionists in the private sector. 
The work stoppage had extra importance. The state Labor opposition has committed to introducing some ratios in the public sector if elected in the March 2023 election. But it has refused to outline what its pay offer to nurses will be if it forms government. 
Even in Labor governed states where nurses have won ratios in the past, the healthcare worker shortage and COVID-19 surge means that they are being abandoned in practice. The nurses’ union in Western Australia recently faced threats of deregistration from the Labor Premier Mark McGowan for fighting to improve hospital conditions. Victorian nurses’ living standards have gone backwards because of Labor Premier Daniel Andrews’ 1.5 percent public sector pay freeze. 
“Because conditions were so bad, we felt like [the stoppage] was the only way to have our voice heard”, Turner said. Union members are also placing work bans on domestic and other non-nursing and non-midwifery duties. They say that they will take further action if their demands are not met.

Sydney nurses take action over pay

New South Wales has been thrown into a COVID testing crisis as daily case numbers skyrocket, reaching a new record of 21,151 on New Year’s Eve. Per head of population, the state now has a higher level of transmission than the United States, according to New York Times data. PCR testing clinics are overwhelmed, many people are waiting close to a week for their results, and rapid antigen test kits are almost impossible to find.
Tens of thousands of people worried that they are infected are scrambling from clinic to clinic and from pharmacy to pharmacy in search of a test. People have been camping overnight in lines outside of clinics. Social media is flooded with stories of people being turned away at testing sites. After waiting in the rain and sun for six hours at the Royal Prince Alfred clinic, one local resident told Red Flag that they were greeted by an exhausted health worker with: “Wow! I didn’t even think we would get to the 8:30am’s today!”
Aerial footage shows lines of cars queuing for hundreds of metres outside some clinics. The Byron Bay testing centre was at capacity just hours after it opened this week because surrounding clinics closed over Christmas. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-12-30/nikki-camped-overnight-to-get-covid-test-on-nsw-mid-north-coast/100729800">According to an ABC News report</a>, one woman needing a negative result to get back into the Northern Territory camped out in her car at the Macksville clinic on the mid-north coast for 26 hours. 
Some people are now choosing to stay at home when symptoms appear, when sharing a household with a positive case, or when their rapid antigen test returns a positive result. Why line up for eight hours while sick if you won’t get a result for a week? <a href="https://uploads.guim.co.uk/2021/12/30/Advice_Omicron_December_30_2021_(1).pdf">A report released yesterday by OzSAGE</a>, an independent advisory group of epidemiologists and health policy experts, warns that this “will reduce our surveillance capacity for new variants and give falsely low case numbers”.
Without a functioning testing system, even basic workplace safety protocols are thrown into disarray. A retail worker at a major telecommunications company described the immediate implications. She told Red Flag that she was exposed to COVID at work and now must show a negative result before returning. But the first clinic she went to at 8am turned her away after an hour, the second was already closed and the third—after she stood in a line full of coughing people for another hour—turned her away before midday. 
The New South Wales Liberals are using the disorder caused by the testing system crisis to reduce the number of public health measures. Many are outraged at the perceived lack of preparation and total incompetence. But the high demand for tests has not been sprung on an unsuspecting government. When cases began to jump in mid-December, at the same time QR codes and masks mandates were dropped, Health Minister Brad Hazzard speculated that NSW could reach 25,000 cases a day by the end of January. 
Not increasing the resources and funding available to the testing system is not just an act of incompetence but fits with the reality that we all are being forced to “live with the virus”. The government’s prioritisation of business as usual is the reason it will not fix the problems: doing so would require tens, possibly hundreds of thousands of workers to isolate. The government and the business lobby just want everyone who can to keep working.
Under pressure, Premier Dominic Perrottet reinstated QR codes and indoor mask mandates and announced plans to distribute rapid antigen test kits for free. These measures, while necessary, are too little, too late and have not prevented the exponential growth in cases. Besides, a further easing of measures was announced this week. 
The isolation period for healthcare workers who are close contacts of a positive COVID case has been slashed from fourteen days to seven. The Queensland government caved to the pressure and reversed the order for a PCR test before arriving. Much to the pleasure of the hospitality and tourism industry, Perrottet has double downed on his “let it rip” mentality, urging Sydneysiders to go ahead with their New Year’s Eve plans while also complaining that people are getting “unnecessary” PCR tests.
How quickly “personal responsibility” has turned into just blaming individuals for the health crisis. 
Similar measures are now being adopted federally. Following the National Cabinet meeting on 30 December, Scott Morrison announced that only household, or household-like contacts of confirmed cases will be considered close contacts and abolished the casual contact category entirely. 
This means you can work right next to a COVID-positive person for eight hours but will not be considered a contact and are not required to get a test or isolate. Contacts will now only have to get tested if they are symptomatic, or if they return a positive rapid antigen test on their sixth day of a week-long isolation. These measures are about keeping workplaces open, not leading a public health response.
“We will miss so many more cases with this new, more narrow definition of a close contact”, Australian Medical Association President Omar Khorshid <a href="https://www.ama.com.au/media/new-definition-close-contact-appears-put-politics-over-health">said in a statement</a>. “Anyone catching Omicron in a restaurant or pub, for example, and who is asymptomatic won’t know they’re infected and could pass the virus on to more vulnerable people ... it will come at the cost of accelerating the outbreak.”
The horrible truth is that the testing crisis and easing of restrictions despite skyrocketing cases fits the course the state and federal governments have set for Australia’s pandemic response. While we are constantly reminded by politicians and the media that the Omicron variant is less likely to send you to hospital on a case-by-case basis, this will be of little comfort to the nearly 1,500 people around the country who are currently in hospital with the virus. 
“The impacts of a fragmented testing system and disrupted health system will be felt most by our elderly, lower socio-economic groups, First Nations people, people with disability and regional populations”, the OzSAGE report concludes. “[A] fatalistic approach will be fatal for some people.”

COVID cases soar, testing in crisis, OH&S out the window: welcome to ‘freedom’

Since a resounding “yes” vote was returned in the 2017 marriage equality plebiscite, senior members of the Liberal government have been plotting new ways to undermine LGBTI rights and restore the confidence of bigots. Shaken by their defeat, and the discrediting of the idea that the right represents the “silent majority” in Australia, the culture warriors in the Liberal Party and Australian Christian Lobby have adopted “religious freedom” as their political cudgel. 
It is a cunning counterattack that aims to further entrench the power of religious institutions to discriminate and for religious ideas to have greater influence in non-religious organisations like hospitals and schools—all in the name of protecting a supposedly persecuted minority. 
The details of the Religious Freedoms Bill have not been made public, and recent leaks from government sources indicate the government is backing away from some of the most egregious elements that were understood to be in it. Notably the “Folau clause”—intended to limit employers’ right to discipline staff expressing bigoted views—has been ditched after some moderate Liberals threatened to cross the floor and vote against the bill. This opposition was not motivated by a commitment to equality but by concern about the “right” of big business to control and discipline employees. 
But for the bill to be passed in any form would be a confidence boost for bigots everywhere and a victory for Prime Minister Scott Morrison, who promised to get it passed this year during his 2019 election campaign. 
Fortunately, the bill faces some significant hurdles. Most notably, there is no mandate for it. Decades of campaigning against discrimination, increased visibility of and acceptance of non-heteronormative relationships, and changing attitudes towards LGBTI people ensure that the passage of such a bill will be tough work. A YouGov Galaxy Poll commissioned by Equality Australia in 2018 found 79 percent of respondents were opposed to religious schools being able to sack staff in same sex marriages. The figure opposed to religious exemptions climbed to 82 percent when respondents were asked about whether schools should be able to expel LGBTI students. 
There has also been public criticism of the bill from the medical community. In response to the most recent leaks, Australian Medical Association president Omar Khorshid said the AMA “continues to hold the same concerns in relation to the religious freedom bill” as it has previously expressed. Dr Karen Price, president of the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners, said her organisation remains “concerned about the potential impact of the bill on the delivery and access to some women’s health services, and vulnerable groups’ access to suitable health care or particular health services”.
The 2017 Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse has further undermined any public support for strengthening the power of religious institutions, especially in what is one of the most secular countries in the world. Ironically, the right’s campaigning about these issues has only drawn attention to the extent to which religious institutions are already exempted from discrimination laws, and how readily they make use of this exemption. Just this year, teacher Karen Pack was fired from Morling College in Sydney after news circulated of her same-sex wedding, while another teacher, Steph Lentz, was sacked from a Christian school in Sydney after coming out. 
One factor that does bode well for the government is the Labor Party’s public positioning on the issue. Leader Anthony Albanese has tried to portray himself as a good Catholic, and the party’s internal review of the 2019 federal election erroneously pinned part of the blame for their loss on alienating religious voters. In a move that shouldn’t be surprising to anyone who attended a marriage equality demonstration during the six years of Rudd-Gillard-Rudd government, shadow attorney general Mark Dreyfus said Labor are “ready to work with the government on a religious discrimination bill” but “will wait for the government to introduce an action bill into the parliament before determining [the party’s] position”. 
The government is not relying on mass support to get this bill passed, but on complacency and Labor’s capitulation. To defeat it, we need more than just passive support expressed through opinion polls. LGBTI groups should be calling protests where they can, and trade unions should mobilise their members against it. We need the kind campaign that won us marriage equality and sent the religious right packing in the first place.
Community Action for Rainbow Rights in Sydney has called a protest against the bill at 1pm on Sunday, 5 December, at Taylor Square, Darlinghurst.

Religious freedoms bill aims to make bigotry great again

What better way to celebrate the first anniversary of the victorious “yes” vote for marriage equality than by watching the Liberal Party and the Christian right’s handling of the Religious Freedom Review. 
From Howard to Morrison, the right have positioned themselves as valiant fighters for the “silent majority” against the tyranny of “political correctness”. 
The triumph of the “yes” campaign exposed this grandiose world view as a lie. It revealed that bigotry and state-sanctioned homophobia are rejected by the majority. 
And it exposed an unsettling reality for the religious right: the place where they command the most influence is not in the households of the average battler or even in traditional Liberal-voting electorates, but in the cloistered world of parliament and high church offices. Outside of the LNP’s hard core, it showed that a shrinking minority subscribe to the right’s archaic world view. 
The Religious Freedom Review, headed by Liberal Party elder statesman Philip Ruddock, was established with the passing of the marriage equality last year in order to placate the “no” forces and legitimise their imaginary fears. The plan was to detract from the jubilant “yes” victory by drawing attention to those real underdogs: poor religious institutions denied their basic freedoms by the blasphemous forces inevitably unleashed by the loosening of the definition of marriage. 
This backfired with as much spectacle as their plebiscite own-goal. 
Rather than generate sympathy for bigoted zealots, leaked recommendations from the review have instead shed light on – and generated outrage about – the discrimination already operating in religious schools. A YouGov Galaxy poll taken in May found 82 percent of respondents opposed to discrimination law exemptions that allow religious schools to expel and fire LGBTI students and teachers, amongst other things. 
The leaked recommendations, which suggest these exemptions be generalised and tightened, only drew attention to and sparked outrage about this state-sanctioned homophobia and transphobia. 
The levels of anger in response should be credited in large part to the “yes” victory. There’s no doubt that the sense of triumph felt by the tens of thousands who marched for equality, the hundreds of thousands who registered to vote for it and the millions who spent the time looking for a post box to send a message to the government, has left a legacy when it come to attitudes towards LGBTI equality.
The recommendations were leaked on a Tuesday. By the following Thursday, prime minister Scott Morrison, after a few days of trying unsuccessfully to make out they were no big deal, caved to public pressure, assuring the public that LGBTI students would not be discriminated against.
That socially conservative forces are operating in an altered political climate is evidently taking some getting used to. 
On 31 October, 34 principals of Anglican private schools in NSW signed an open letter to education minister Dan Tehan demanding provisions in the legislation to protect their schools’ “ethos”. The plan here was to include the phrase “religious freedom” and substitute “homophobia” for “ethos” a bunch of times and in so doing persuade the Liberals to reconsider. 
Another scramble to regain balance, another tremendously stupid own-goal. 
Within 24 hours, an open letter addressed to these 34 schools was signed by thousands of current and past pupils and employees. It stated, “If LGBT staff are to be discriminated against due to their sexuality, they will have to live in fear that they will lose their job if they are to be themselves. Living like this is not humane nor in any way acceptable. School is meant to be a place of development, open expression and trust. Without this ability to be open, we think that staff will not be able to work to their highest potential”. 
Protests were organised by students and alumni of Abbotsleigh and Barker Colleges in Sydney, and at the Illawarra Grammar School in Wollongong by students and the University of Wollongong student union. All three schools came under media scrutiny as a result, and all three wrote apologetic letters informing their community that the school had now reversed its position. They also called for the relevant exemptions to be dropped. 
“This is the most humiliating moment of my career”, the headmaster of Shore, Dr Tim Wright, told Guardian Australia. “I love the school. I love the boys. I feel I have let them down. I am sorry”. The archbishop of Sydney followed suit. 
The Liberals and the religious right are sore losers. They’re used to getting their way while the rest of us remain disgruntled but passive. Last year provided a rare opportunity to mobilise progressive popular opinion and impose change on an out-of-touch political establishment. 
The decisive “yes” vote has had a lasting impact because it mobilised millions into a fight against a well-organised and powerful opposition – and won convincingly. The resulting confidence felt by school kids organising protests that make even the archbishop run for cover is good reason to celebrate one year on. 
----------
Kim is the LGBTI officer at the National Union of Students.

‘Yes’ victory has changed the game

“ANU prides itself on the principle of academic freedom and I am always proud to see our students standing up for issues they feel strongly about. I am disappointed this happened, and everyone has learned from it.” 
Brian Schmidt, vice-chancellor of the Australian National University, let go a sad tweet on 20 March. He was referring to the university removing the biographical information of a high achieving law student from university marketing material. 
Odette Shenfield had refused to remove a reference to the government’s refugee policies, which she rightly described as “inhumane”. For that, she was erased from the promotional booklet. This was despite recently picking up a string of academic awards and accolades, including the Commonwealth Attorney-General’s Department and Australian Government Solicitor Prize. 
In the wake of student and community outrage when national media broke the story, the ANU College of Law took to Twitter admitting it “made a poor call” and quickly reaffirmed its support for students “speak[ing] out on issues they feel are important”. 
It’s hard to take such a commitment seriously when correspondence between Shenfield and the marketing department had been leaked in the Canberra Times a few days earlier. It clarifies the reason for the omission and points to the priorities of the university more generally. 
“I hope you can appreciate that the Commonwealth government is the donor for one of your prizes, and that should never stop you from speaking out against policies that you feel strongly about, but part of our job within the college is to maintain donor relationships to ensure it is available to future students”, an email from the university reportedly explained. 
“The publication of this booklet is aimed at fostering those relationships.”
The university’s “poor call” and the vice-chancellor’s disappointment seem less to do with removing the bio and more to do with putting their motivations in such clear and honest language. 
Think whatever you fancy – but please don’t rock the boat by actually saying it! The hypocrisy is reinforced by a quick look at some relationships the administration has recently fostered. 
In December 2016, the university signed a memorandum of understanding with the Department of Immigration and Border Protection, promising “a collaborative working partnership on research, analysis, training, policy matters and other engagement activities”. 
This year, the vice-chancellor is considering setting up a new undergraduate degree in Western Civilisation to access substantial funds from the estate of the late insurance mogul and Liberal Party donor Paul Ramsey. 
When concern is raised around the lack of free speech on our campuses, it’s usually from a racist throwing a tantrum over the right of students to organise against his bigoted ideas or from a conservative conspiracy theorist railing against the imagined threat of politically correct thought police in academia. 
Freedom of speech is being undermined and a censorious atmosphere is descending on our campuses, but what this looks like in the real world is a far cry from the right’s paranoid ravings. 
The experience at ANU shows that the primary threat to free speech at university comes from the very people preaching the virtues of academic freedom – the university bosses and administrations. 
When it comes down to it, those running the university care about revenue streams and respectable relationships and are happy to silence or sideline anything that might threaten these first principles.

ANU preaches free speech, censors student

“It’s overwhelming. It has been so long waiting, and the community has stood by us. Students all over Australia have come forwards!” Dr. Bisawjit Banik has received great news: he, his partner Sarmin Sayeed and their 12-year-old son Arko have been granted permanent residency in Australia.
Their application was originally rejected on the grounds that their son’s autism would be a financial burden on the state. The months of nightmarish uncertainty are finally over for Bisawjit. He and his family have lived in Australia for the last nine years; now they no longer have to fear deportation.
The case highlighted that the inhumanity at the heart of the Immigration Department. The Monash Student Association, the student union on the campus where Dr Banik lectures, responded to this clear attack on the rights of migrants and people with disabilities by organising a public campaign against their imminent deportation.
A solidarity event attracted more than 200 students and staff, including members of the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU). A similar action took place at La Trobe University. The Monash Student Association penned an open letter demanding the immigration minister intervene to overturn the decision. Signatories including the NTEU, the MUA, the ETU, the Australian Greens, and more than 300 university staff from across Australia.
This is a win for more than just Banik’s family. It is a small but important victory against the inhumane and coercive border security agenda of the government. Hopefully it can inspire others to take on the border security regime.
This campaign and its victory also provide us with an important lesson: protests and campaigns can win. Without such wide public support, the original ruling would have been swept up under the carpet, as is the case for many deportations. Peter Dutton and the department aren’t known for their sympathy.
What was different about this case to others was the sustained and growing grassroots campaign in support of Biswajit, Sarmin and Arko. We are so often told that there’s no point protesting; no point taking a stand. This small victory shows what can happen when student unions, trade unions and left wing people throw themselves into activity. As Bisawjit told Red Flag:
“The campaign helped us a lot, made it visible and helped us explain to the community. Everyone should try to support families who are going through this, because having a very strong campaign can really make a difference.”

Victory for one family facing deportation

Three thousand people rallied in Melbourne on Saturday against Israel’s latest criminal bombardment of Gaza and the ongoing apartheid and genocide being carried out in historic Palestine. The following is an edited speech by Kim Stern, who addressed the rally at the State Library of Victoria. Kim is a member of Jews against Israeli Apartheid and Socialist Alternative.
-----
We’re here today to condemn the horror committed by the state of Israel; to support our brothers and sisters in their courageous resistance in the Occupied West bank and Gaza. It is an inspiration to see generation after generation stand up against the most militarised and brutal state in the region. We must support any resistance – it is the only way they can survive, the only way they can exist.
We call for the end of the Israeli dictatorship over Gaza. Shame on Israel, whose very existence is the cause of this indescribable suffering. Shame on Israel, whose very existence means daily humiliation for and discrimination against the one million Palestinians living within the Zionist state. Shame on Israel, whose very existence denies the right to return to the Palestinian diaspora, so many of whom live destitute in refugee camps.
This is not an age-old religious war. There are no two equal sides locked in battle since time immemorial. There is an oppressor and an oppressed. Israel is a political project of colonisation and domination.
Every year, the US gives billions of dollars not to the besieged, impoverished, and desperate Palestinians, but to the oppressor.
The Australian government, seeing in the racist coloniser a mirror image of itself, unashamedly supports the watchdog of Western imperialism, excusing it of any war crime it may commit. From al-Nakba in 1948, when thousands were murdered and hundreds of thousands displaced, Israel has claimed that it is the only safe place for Jews, that it is a beacon of democracy and peace in the Middle East.
We all know this is a lie. Israel has been responsible for catastrophe after catastrophe – from the invasion of Egypt in 1956, the seven day war in 1967, the bombardment of Lebanon in 1982 and again in 2006, operation cast lead in 2008 and now Operation Protective Edge. The existence of the supposedly pure Jewish state of Israel means the slaughter of countless Palestinians.
I’m Jewish and I renounce Israeli war crimes. I’m Jewish and I stand on the side of Palestine. Israel is not my homeland. I look at Israel and see militarised racism. I look at Palestine and see unimaginably brave resistance.
To see their refusal to give up, their refusal to stop fighting – for to stop fighting is to accept the complete destruction of Palestine – is to see true humanity. It doesn’t matter what our backgrounds are. It doesn’t matter where we live. Palestine is the strongest possible source of motivation we can draw on in our fight for justice and freedom.
Today we send a clear message. To our loved ones in Gaza we send our hope and wholehearted commitment to struggle in solidarity with them. We call for the end of this murderous occupation. We demand the right of return for all Palestinians. And to our own racist government we send a clear message: We oppose the bilateral commitment by Labor and the Liberals to Israel. Those parties are complicit in the slaughter of thousands of innocent Palestinians.
As a member of Jews against Israeli Apartheid and Socialist Alternative, thanks to everyone for coming out today and showing solidarity with the Palestinian struggle.
We won’t stop fighting until Palestine is free!

Oxfam report reveals staggering inequality

Sydney nurses take action over pay

COVID cases soar, testing in crisis, OH&S out the window: welcome to ‘freedom’

Religious freedoms bill aims to make bigotry great again

‘Yes’ victory has changed the game

ANU preaches free speech, censors student

Victory for one family facing deportation

“We won’t stop fighting until Palestine is free!”

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