The Minns Labor government plans to slash workers’ compensation in New South Wales. Unions, as well as legal and mental health groups, have vehemently opposed the changes, which will make it more difficult to claim workers’ compensation for psychological injuries. This will hit essential front-line workers like nurses, teachers, paramedics, firefighters, aged care and transport workers particularly hard. 
NSW Treasurer Daniel Mookhey defended the proposals as essential cost-cutting measures intended to bring down employer insurance premiums. They will do this not by making workplaces safer, but by denying workers the support they need. Mookhey has frozen cash injections to icare, the state workers’ compensation insurer, and issued an ultimatum: either these attacks are passed through the Legislative Assembly, or the government won’t fund its own insurer properly.
Mookhey wants to turn back the clock and de-legitimise workers’ mental health issues, citing the doubling of psychological injury claims in the past six years. 
The most obviously cruel change is to increase the threshold for minimum Whole Person Impairment (the scale used to measure the degree of impairment resulting from workplace illness or injury) to 31 percent for psychological injury claims beyond 130 weeks or for permanent impairment. But people who meet this threshold are “essentially catatonic” according to NSW Unions leader Mark Morey. According to psychiatrist Anthony Dinnen, who assesses workplace psychological injuries, imposing this threshold “would exclude 99 percent of patients from benefits”. 
“The workers compensation system is the only reason I am still alive”, explained a NSW firefighter in a Unions NSW report, <a href="https://www.unionsnsw.org.au/publication/cast-adrift-cuts-to-workers-compensation/">Cast Adrift</a>. “Without being able to access essential mental health services and receive diagnosis, treatment, education and support to begin my recovery, I would have certainly taken my own life. My whole person impairment is 24 percent which is a very significant injury. If the threshold was increased to 30 percent and that affected me by taking away my entitlements again, I would be destitute and would have no hope of survival or recovery.” 
The report shows how prevalent psychological hazards are in NSW workplaces. Of 10,000 workers surveyed, 60 percent had been exposed to trauma, 44 percent had experienced bullying and 22 percent had faced harassment, including sexual harassment. 
The government wants to narrow the definition of compensable psychological injuries. If an injury is sustained due to “reasonable management action”, workers will not be eligible for compensation. This wording provides an easy out for negligent and bullying bosses to argue their conduct was “reasonable”. 
Work pressure and burnout are major causes of the growing rates of psychological injury to workers in NSW, yet these will no longer be eligible for compensation. Workers who face bullying, sexual harassment or racial harassment won’t be eligible for compensation until they have had a court, commission or tribunal ruling in their favour. They will also have to pay their own legal fees. 
This suite of changes constitutes a major attack on the rights and conditions of all workers. Unsafe work conditions will be allowed to flourish if it becomes easier to reject workers’ compensation claims. 
The government and business have argued that workers make frivolous claims that clog up the system. In reality, claiming workers’ comp is already a difficult bureaucratic process in which workers are treated with suspicion and hostility by an adversarial system. Dealing with that system can itself be traumatic. The NSW State Insurance Regulatory Authority had to admit this year that it contributed to the psychological injuries of a group of already injured workers by mishandling their cases. 
It is rich for the government to use the failures of the state insurer icare as an excuse to attack workers. Icare has been plagued by scandal, including chronic underpayment of workers, blatant corruption, intimidation of a whistleblower and outrageous executive bonuses. Between 2012 and 2019, icare underpaid at least 53,000 workers and was forced to pay back $38 million. During that time, the former chief executive of icare, John Nagle, awarded his wife a contract without tender, paying her $800,000 over three years. Icare leaders were accused of the homophobic bullying and harassment of a senior whistleblower, Chris McCann, causing him to be hospitalised, diagnosed with PTSD. 
Despite these scandals, icare still awarded its executives with some of the highest salaries and bonuses in the public service, bringing CEO Richard Harding’s salary to over $1 million. 
The NSW government has done nothing to rein in icare’s mismanagement or its executive salaries. Instead, it is attacking the victims of unsafe workplaces. 
Unions NSW has <a href="https://psa.asn.au/rally-against-changes-to-our-workers-compensation-protections/">called protests</a> across Sydney to respond to Labor’s attacks. It’s important that unionists and supporters stand against the gutting of workers’ comp. We are facing an onslaught of overwork and underpay, and now we’re being denied compensation for the damage done to us. Ultimately, we need to build a movement against the anti-worker Labor government and the business interests it serves.

Emma Norton

NSW Labor government attacks workers’ compensation

Michael Hiscox, the acting secretary of the ACT branch of the CFMEU, was removed from his position and replaced by an unelected bureaucrat on 13 May. This came nine months after the union’s national office was put under <a href="https://redflag.org.au/article/labor-set-to-impose-dictatorial-powers-over-construction-union">administration</a>
by the federal Labor government, which removed the right of union members to elect their officials. 
Labor justified its attack on the union by referring to media reports about alleged criminal behaviour in the union. There have been no allegations of such behaviour in the ACT branch, which, along with Western Australia, was not placed under administration last year. 
The consequences of Mark Irving’s appointment as administrator are clear to anyone in doubt. Replacing elected officials with appointed administrators across every branch has brought restrictions on organisers’ and members’ rights to raise criticisms within the CFMEU and shape the union’s direction—an atmosphere unconducive to the kind of confident and militant organising that construction workers need to defend their working conditions and rates of pay. 
“Labor has learned [from the deregistration of the BLF] how to best attack our union through this administration system: by passing a law that removes any unfair dismissal law for officials who get sacked for no reason”, Dusty Miller, a local CFMEU member and former member of the Builders Labourers’ Federation, told Red Flag. “Under the administration, there is no democracy. There is no ability for the union to have their own elections.” 
The union’s former national secretary, Zach Smith, recently proposed a restructure to expand the role of the CFMEU’s national office. Less than two weeks before being removed from his position, Hiscox cosigned a <a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/16NnxuTg4v/">statement</a> opposing the restructure, stating that it “would only deprive rank and file members of having a voice in the way that their Union is run”. 
So, what reason has Irving given for his intervention in the ACT branch? There are no charges of criminal activity, credible or otherwise, and no accusations of corruption or misconduct. The reason given was a drop in membership and a small budget deficit. But the union has plenty of cash reserves and a solid, loyal membership base—hardly a crisis.
Even if the branch were in crisis, government intervention would not be the solution. Its most likely effect will be the same as administration has had in every other branch: putting compliant organisers in positions of power while promoting fear and passivity in everyone else. 
Miller said that many members have voiced their disgust at the move. 
“We now have a person called Ben Davison sitting in the branch secretary’s office in Canberra, who doesn’t have a clue about anything with our industry, who doesn’t understand construction”, he said. “To me, it’s a payback to Michael and our branch because we stood up to this [centralisation] plan.”
The demotion of Hiscox should stand as clear proof that “cleaning up criminal or corrupt behaviour” was not the overriding purpose of the sackings, restrictions and centralisation. It was about disciplining a union with some industrial strength by punishing anyone speaking out. 
Zach Smith announced on 22 May that he would step down as national secretary, presumably because of backlash against the proposed centralisation plan. It’s unclear what this means for the plan’s viability, but there will undoubtedly be ongoing pressure on people like Hiscox who speak out against the administration. 
Miller has a clear message for members facing the degradation of their union’s democracy: “Stay strong and united. Stay strong and push back”.

Nick Reich

Attack on democracy in the ACT CFMEU

The mood on the picket line at the Allied Pinnacle factory in the Melbourne suburb of Altona North is infectious. Although there have been strikes at the facility—which is a major producer of baked good for supermarkets and bakeries—in 2017 and 2022, for most of the workforce, this is their first experience of industrial action. 
The workers sing and dance, get to know each other, fire up the barbeque and have a great time. “If you ever get the chance to, go on strike! It’s a once in a lifetime feeling of everyone you know coming together, and when you feel the support it’s an amazing experience!”, one worker says. 
Allied Pinnacle produces chocolate mud cakes, donuts, muffins and bread loaves for Coles, Woolworths and Bakers’ Delight amongst others. The factory usually has nine production lines running night and day, all but one of which were shut down by the strike, with one being partially operated by non-union casuals. 
The 48-hour strike, which began on 14 May, involved around 150 United Workers Union members across three shifts. Their demands included improved conditions, better allowances and a pay increase. For all the high spirits on the picket line, the stakes for the workers are high. Management made visits to the picket to issue warnings or make complaints, and threatened to call the police. When they did, the workers surrounded them chanting “Union power!” until they left. 
When delivery trucks tried to enter the Allied Pinnacle site, the first thing they saw was the picket line with dozens of workers. After a friendly conversation, the most drivers turned around and drove off with a supportive honk of the horn. This was met with cheering and clapping on the picket line. 
Allied Pinnacle workers are paid between $26 and $35 per hour. They are fighting for a 15 percent pay increase over the next three years and increased penalty rates for nights, weekends and public holidays. At the moment, the vast majority of the workers rely on overtime and weekend penalties to earn a liveable wage, with many working six-day weeks or multiple jobs just to get by. The ongoing housing crisis and cost-of-living crisis has made this situation untenable for many of them. 
To make matters worse, management recently made scheduling changes to reduce the amount of penalty rates workers receive. Previously, the standard work schedule was Tuesday to Saturday with eight hours work per day. That has been changed to a Monday to Thursday schedule with 10-hour days, with no overtime included and avoiding Saturday penalties. This has amounted to a significant cut in take home pay for the affected workers.
Another grievance workers have is to do with casual conversion. Management has an arbitrary system for granting permanent jobs to the workers in the factory. Some have reported being on casual contracts for up to six years before being offered permanent work, despite doing regular hours, and performing the duties of other permanent staff.
Striking workers have also reported that when the outside temperature is 30 degrees or more, the inside of the factory, particularly near the ovens, can reach more than 40 degrees, with only a few floor fans provided for relief from the heat. Management is aware of the heat issue in the factory, but instead of resolving it, they responded by authorising a $100,000 upgrade to the air conditioning in the managers’ offices.
One worker detailed to me how safety rules are commonly flouted to speed up production. Workers are frequently expected to lift 25-kilogram bags of sugar and butter by themselves, contrary to the safety guidelines. Repetitive lifting of heavy weight causes risks to these workers over the course of the day and many complain of back and leg pain at the end of their shifts.
The two-day strike is just the beginning of this campaign. Workers expect further industrial action in the next few weeks. Supporters are encouraged to come and visit future picket lines at 23-29 Pinnacle Road, Altona North.

Jack Gardner

Bakery workers strike for more dough

For several months, security workers at Canberra Airport have been embroiled in industrial disputes with Capital Airport Group (CAG) and their new employer, MSS Security.
Two years ago, United Workers Union members won above-award conditions through threats of industrial action. But the switching of employer contracts has meant that CAG is no longer upholding their end of the bargain.
MSS Security, an international security conglomerate, has a notorious history of anti-union and anti-worker practices. After winning the airport contract, the company refused to guarantee the jobs of all current employees, requiring them to reapply for their positions. 
Managers also said that some of the terms in the existing workplace agreement would not apply “in their ‘current form’ to any future agreement”. 
As well, continuing staff have reported that MSS has consistently screwed up rosters and wage payments.
“Workers have been through three payrolls, with constant underpayments—one member has been underpaid by more than $2,000 on two separate occasions”, Fletcher, a UWU organiser, told Red Flag. “In short, it’s been far from a seamless transition.”
On 28 February, Fletcher attended a farewell lunch held by the outgoing contractor. During the event, three police officers, acting at the behest of a CAG employee, arrested him for trespassing and hauled him off to the Civic Watchhouse in handcuffs. As part of his bail conditions, Fletcher is prevented from returning to the airport.
This is a thinly veiled attempt by CAG to intimidate union members and organisers. 
It highlights two issues: first is the immense influence of CAG, owned by Canberra’s only billionaire, nepo baby Steven Byron. Rich bastards like Byron believe they are beholden to no one. 
When workers win improved conditions, CAG switches contractors. Rather than dealing with legitimate workplace issues, the company calls the police to do its dirty work. 
Second is the undue power of the police. Rather than “maintaining community safety”, as they purport to do, they are acting as industrial enforcers for a billion-dollar private company.
Security workers are determined to give them a fight. On May Day, UWU members held a rowdy protest of more than 100 outside the airport's main entrance. 
As UWU members build to their next action, Fletcher urges ongoing solidarity: “Contract change should not be an excuse to tear up hard-fought wages and conditions. It’s outrageous that Canberra Airport thinks it can use the police as private enforcers in industrial disputes”.

Connor Heins

Union organiser arrested at Canberra airport

At the end of 2024, the Australian National University announced $250 million in cuts as part of a “Renew ANU” program. According to figures published in the Australian Financial Review, this “renewal” includes $150 million slashed from salaries—the equivalent of 638 full-time jobs.
While hundreds of workers are facing the sack, it has since been revealed that new Vice-Chancellor Genevieve Bell was still taking an undisclosed salary from tech giant Intel well into her first year at ANU—on top of her $1.1 million university pay packet. Also, Canberra MP David Pocock revealed that Bell blew $1.2 million on external consultants to advise on Renew ANU after telling the Senate the university had spent just $50,000.
The fallout has been significant. In an unprecedented move, 800 ANU staff participated in a National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU) vote of no confidence in Bell and Chancellor Julie Bishop. An overwhelming 95 percent voted in favour of the no-confidence motion. Bell’s response? To smear the vote as “sexist”.
It’s not just staff pushing back. Students have launched a “No Cuts at ANU” campaign linking staff working conditions to student learning conditions. Forums, rallies and a student strike have been held throughout the first half of 2025. The demands are simple: sack Bell and Bishop, get rid of the Renew ANU project and publicly disclose the university’s financial records.
Bell is one of many university bosses overseeing a national offensive against staff and students. At the University of Canberra, ex-Labor parliamentarian turned Vice-Chancellor Bill Shorten has ditched any pretence of supporting workers by axing 150 staff. Western Sydney University is gutting 400 jobs. The University of Wollongong has cut more than 100 subjects and slashed $21 million from salaries. Monash University is cramming more students into bigger tutorials while slashing staff numbers.
These attacks result from a system that treats education as a business and students and staff as cogs in the machine. With the Albanese government cutting funding and capping international student numbers, universities expect greater uncertainty in their profit margins and are making workers and students pay.
A fightback is underway at the ANU, but it is only the beginning. To defend our education, we need to take on not just vice-chancellors like Bell and Shorten, but the whole rotten system that treats our education like a commodity, and universities like businesses.

Lucy Chapman-Kelly

Fighting course cuts at ANU

The latest episode of class conflict in the NSW Healthcare system was as impressive as it was unexpected: a three-day strike carried out by public hospital doctors represented by the state branch of the Australian Salaried Medical Officers Federation (ASMOF). The strike has caused cancellations of non-urgent surgeries, closures of outpatient clinics and hospital wards to be staffed at the bare minimum as junior doctors and supporters, among whom were nurses, midwives and patients, held several angry rallies outside hospitals, the Department of Health and Premier Chris Minns’ office in Kogarah. More than 5,000 doctors took part from 32 sites across the state.
The Minns Labor government was voted into power just over two years ago. It inherited a healthcare system with a workforce recovering from the trauma and disruption of the pandemic and working for pay well below our interstate colleagues due to years of wage suppression. Minns and his health minister Ryan Park have since presented insulting offers to hospital workforces that entrench us as the lowest paid nurses, midwives and doctors in the country. For doctors, the government is trying to <a href="https://www.asmofnsw.org.au/NSW/Content/News/Minns_Award_is_a_step_backwards.aspx">wind back existing protections</a> against exploitative rostering and deployment practices. This ensures that staffing shortages, overwork and burnout will remain unaddressed as healthcare workers pack up and leave to work in states and cities with lower rents, better conditions and higher pay.
The government employed similar anti-strike tactics to those used against nurses and midwives during our industrial action campaigns in recent years. They issued orders through the Industrial Relations Commission banning the strike from taking place, they threatened the involvement of the healthcare regulatory bodies to punish doctors who take part and spread lies in the press in an attempt to temper significant public support—including an egregious untruth that nearly 500 patients had their chemotherapy appointments cancelled (they have since retracted this statement).
This was the first strike action undertaken by doctors in NSW since 1997, when junior doctors supported by the Australian Medical Association undertook a week of industrial action in protest against cuts to the numbers of specialty training positions. With a handful of exceptions (such as the British Medical Association strikes in the UK), junior doctors are not necessarily known for their industrial militancy. ASMOF’s recent reorientation towards industrial action is a welcome break from this tendency. While it remains to be seen how they will follow this action up, beginning the campaign with a three-day strike is an admirable move and shows some understanding of what will be necessary to defend the conditions that they have and win the pay they deserve.
The public sector strikes of the nurses and midwives union, the NSWNMA, never extend beyond 24 hours. While these are no doubt disruptive, the state can wait them out and plan around them. One 24-hour strike every few months can be treated like a Sunday or a public holiday. For a strike to be successful, the employer must conclude that the cost of allowing the campaign to continue (whether that cost be political or economic) is greater than the cost of accepting the campaign’s demands. The employer—particularly an employer as hostile and intransigent as the Minns government—must be forced to concede. He has shown time and time again that he is not interested in good-faith negotiations. 
Unfortunately for the nurses and midwives of NSW, the union’s campaign has sunk us further into the quagmire of dead-end negotiations. Just days after the <a href="https://redflag.org.au/article/nurses-and-midwives-take-historic-strike-action-for-a-15-percent-pay-rise">largest single strike day in NSW healthcare history</a> in November last year, the union officials pivoted towards engaging in an arbitration process through the Industrial Relations Court and agreed to conduct no industrial action in the lead up to or during the case. It will not be heard until September—almost a full year from when it was announced. This was passed by a membership vote in which the Association’s leadership declared that they either vote in favour of the case, or we will walk away with nothing and face hundreds of thousands in fines. The spectre of these fines was used to dismiss any suggestion of further disruptive action and the possibility of refusing to pay the fines was never proposed as an option to the membership.
This is the situation we are in; a strategy that bars us from using our only effective weapon, giving the Minns government no reason to fear us; a strategy that accepts an almost year-long delay on even the possibility of any gains; and a strategy that is non-participatory for the union’s members. For those of us who actually work on the hospital floor, demoralisation about this campaign has evolved for some into open hostility towards the union, especially following a small but poorly timed membership fee increase in late November last year.
Meanwhile, ASMOF reported on 3 April that 1,227 doctors had joined the union in the two days after the strike was announced. There is no amount of legal advice, Woolworths vouchers or free CPD (continuing professional development) classes that will build and maintain an active, fighting membership. The power of a union will always be in the ability of its members to withdraw their labour. For its tests ahead, ASMOF would do well to remember this.

A NSW Nurses and Midwives’ Association member

NSW doctors’ strike shows the way forward for healthcare workers

Jerome Small

Socialist Alternative’s record of workplace organising

Macquarie University Palestinian academic Randa Adbel-Fattah has been the victim of a <a href="https://redflag.org.au/article/academics-under-attack-for-supporting-palestine">vicious smear campaign</a> conducted by the Murdoch press, the Labor Government and the Liberal Party. Under pressure from Labor Minister for Education Jason Clare, the Australian Research Council (ARC) has formally suspended Randa’s $870,000 Future Fellowship Grant. 
Clare wrote to the ARC board on 31 January requesting they investigate her research grant as a “matter of priority”. Ironically, it was Clare himself who <a href="https://ministers.education.gov.au/clare/ending-days-political-interference-australian-research-council">celebrated</a> the Albanese government for revising the National Interest Test to supposedly stop politicians from interfering in research grants, saying in March 2024 that he “promised to end the days of ministers using the ARC as a political plaything”.
This stunning backflip shows that Labor is just as happy as the coalition to weaponize research funding for political purposes. 
Abdel-Fattah’s grant, which began in 2023 and aimed to study the history of Arab/Muslim social justice activism in Australia, was targeted by the Australian newspaper after she participated in an anti-racist conference at the Queensland University of Technology, where she said
“The peak of an academic career ... usually means somebody who’s ... written lots of books about genocide but will not sign a statement against [it]. I want no part of that, so I look for ways to bend rules and refuse and subvert them. I challenge the formal circuits of knowledge production and what counts as knowledge.”
In response to this comment, Macquarie University must now prove that the grant has been administered appropriately, otherwise the grant, which also funds Abdel-Fattah’s salary, must be repaid in full.
When pressed by Greens Senator Mehreen Faruqi in a recent Senate estimates hearing, the ARC claimed that they are just doing their normal due diligence by investigating the grant. This same line was parroted by Macquarie vice-chancellor Bruce Downton in a staff town hall last week, where he, after casually mentioning staff redundancies several times, stated that the investigation does “not have anything to do with academic freedom or freedom of speech”. They must think we are stupid. 
While Macquarie University has recently become the epicentre of academic repression, the suppression of Palestine supporters on campus is systematic. For example, the peak university lobbying organisation, Universities Australia, recently adopted a new definition of antisemitism which has been widely condemned, including by the <a href="https://www.jewishcouncil.com.au/media/jewish-council-of-australia-slams-universities-adoption-of-dangerous-politicised-and-unworkable-antisemitism-definition">Jewish Council of Australia</a>. 
Mohamed Duar of Amnesty International <a href="https://www.amnesty.org.au/australian-universities-decision-to-adopt-contested-definition-of-antisemitism-is-an-attempt-to-stifle-freedom-of-expression-across-campuses-nationwide/">has said that</a> 
“This dangerous definition will be used to silence students and staff alike, suppress protest, and shut down criticism of Israel’s genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, the unlawful brutal and unlawful military occupation as well as apartheid that we determined to be a crime against humanity.” 
The vilification of Abdel-Fattah and the targeting of her research grant is a part of this broader trend. 
Labor has effectively found a bureaucratic means to sack an academic for their outspoken support of Palestine, something Liberal Shadow Minister for Education Sarah Henderson has been demanding for months. The ARC is doing the ALP’s dirty work and <a href="https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/research-grant-suspension-about-probity-not-politics">openly admitted in the Senate</a> that their investigation stemmed from reporting by the
Australian. This whole rotten affair shows that these liberal institutions that supposedly support freedom of inquiry and democratic values are a sham and cannot be counted on to defend our rights.

Steven Hansen

Solidarity with Palestinian academic Randa Abdel-Fattah

Maurice Blackburn Lawyers prides itself on its connection to the trade union movement. But it’s fighting the union that represents its own staff. 
On 6 March, about 100 lawyers instituted a historic ban on time recording, which means not charging for their work. In response, Maurice Blackburn issued non-payment notices, effectively preventing us from working or being paid for the duration of the ban. Legal assistants, paralegals and other staff stopped work in solidarity for up to three hours, shutting down teams and offices around the country. 
We are fighting for wage increases that keep up with the cost of living and address a 6.4 percent decline in real wages over the life of the last agreement due to high inflation. We are also fighting for ten days of paid reproductive leave for all staff—a condition the firm boasted it helped win for workers in other workplaces, only to turn around and tell its own staff that they do not deserve the same entitlement. 
Maurice Blackburn Lawyers represents many of the biggest trade unions in Australia. Its brand emphasises a commitment to the values of the workers’ movement, but apparently, those values don’t apply internally.
Since December, union members have engaged in three one- to two-hour stop works and other industrial action as part of the campaign, but this latest action was an escalation. 
The ban on time recording is a first for unionised lawyers in Australia. By recording the time they spend performing work for clients, lawyers allow the firm to recover legal fees. Stopping the practice costs the firm hundreds of thousands of dollars per day. 
The lawyers were willing to work—just without recording the time. This is a lawyer’s equivalent of a bus driver refusing to check tickets. The firm responded by saying that if we would not charge for our work, they preferred we didn’t work at all, revealing that they care more about their profits than their clients.
At Thursday’s rally, union members enjoyed the solidarity of various unions (including Maurice Blackburn clients) and others from around the legal industry—including barristers and unionists in community legal centres and other plaintiff firms. 
Meanwhile, management received the solidarity of business lobbyists such as Steve Knott from the notoriously anti-union Australian Resources and Energy Employers Association. Knott was quoted in the Australian Financial Review, revelling in Maurice Blackburn’s use of tactics that are so anti-worker that the ACTU recently called for them to be outlawed. 
A law firm is not just a bunch of lawyers. It requires the work of many support staff, especially legal assistants. These highly skilled professionals work under the pressure of deadlines and deal with traumatised clients every day. Yet most are paid an annual salary of between $55,000 and $70,000. 
Maurice Blackburn also has a gender pay gap problem. This year’s <a href="https://www.wgea.gov.au/">Gender Equality Report</a> notes a 33 percent gap between the median base salary of men and women at the firm. This reflects that 90 percent of the legal assistants are women whose work is grossly undervalued, which is even more of a reason to fight together to win the highest possible wage increases for the next three years. 
The firm is offering 5.5 percent for workers earning less than $100,000 per year in the first year of the agreement, 3.75 percent for those above that, and 3.5 percent and 3.25 percent for everyone during the second and third years. This does not make up for the ground lost during the high inflation over the last three years. 
An explosive leaked email from someone seemingly in the know about last year’s enterprise agreement at Slater and Gordon—another firm that boasts of its representation of unions—alluded to the firm’s CEO squeezing the lowest-paid workers in their recent pay negotiations. 
Maurice Blackburn also claims that it cannot afford higher pay increases. However, managers have repeatedly refused to provide modelling of projected profits over the life of the agreement to substantiate this claim. 
Maurice Blackburn has the strongest union membership of any private firm in Australia. We are the only law firm to take industrial action in recent years and pride ourselves on setting conditions (such as health and wellbeing days) that have then been adopted in other firms. We hope that our campaign will set a new benchmark for pay and conditions for current and future workers, especially with respecting women workers. 
Union members will meet next week to discuss the next steps in their campaign.
Colleen Bolger is an Australian Services Union delegate at Maurice Blackburn Lawyers.

Colleen Bolger

Union law firm attacks union members

Hundreds of manufacturing workers at a Nestlé factory in Campbellfield, Melbourne, are striking to defend and improve their pay and conditions. After months of negotiations with a management team that seems determined to attack them, the workers have resorted to industrial action. 
Led by the Australian Manufacturing Workers’ Union, they take a one-hour stop-work at the start of each of the factory’s three shifts. The strikes are the first industrial action at the factory for nearly 30 years.
As the action started on Thursday, well over 100 workers from the afternoon shift gathered in groups outside the gate. Dozens of AMWU flags and banners greeted cars and trucks driving past on Sydney Road, with plenty of beeps and waves in solidarity. Another group of workers gathered near the main entrance, ready to argue with those refusing to participate in the strike and to greet their comrades finishing their day shift. Managers hid in the office behind tinted glass, monitoring the scene but powerless to intervene.
The industrial campaign is focused on three issues. First is the attempt by the company to rewrite existing rostering arrangements, introducing compulsory twelve-hour and weekend shifts for all workers. One maintenance worker explained that the proposal includes the possibility of working five twelve-hour shifts in a row! This would be gruelling in any work, let alone blue-collar labour. Many railed against the compulsory weekend overtime: “Sometimes we take the overtime shifts for the extra cash”, one of the factory’s twelve union delegates told Red Flag. “But it needs to be our choice—we gotta have time to spend with our families.”
Second is the issue of pay. The rising cost of living hits these workers hard, just like everyone else. Many workers said that supermarket prices, mortgages and bills keep them up at night. Management is offering a 3.5 percent pay rise, but the union is fighting for “substantially more”, according to AMWU organiser Chris Spindler.
The final issue concerns the union being consulted about workplace changes before they’re introduced. The current agreement basically allows the company to implement changes first and ask for permission later. Workers want more of a say.
Spirits were high on the first day of what looks to be a serious fight against a multinational corporation that makes squillions each year. Yet this strike shows that without the efforts of workers in factories and farms across the world, Nestlé would be nothing. 
Show your support for the Nestlé workers by turning up to the strike on weekdays at 6:30am, 2:30pm or 10.30pm: 1585 Hume Highway, Campbellfield.

NSW Labor government attacks workers’ compensation

Attack on democracy in the ACT CFMEU

Bakery workers strike for more dough

Union organiser arrested at Canberra airport

Fighting course cuts at ANU

NSW doctors’ strike shows the way forward for healthcare workers

Socialist Alternative’s record of workplace organising

Solidarity with Palestinian academic Randa Abdel-Fattah

Union law firm attacks union members

Nestlé workers deserve the cream

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